Marine Air

by Maj James P. Etter

A 1988 Chase Contest Entry

During the Falklands conflict in May 1982, the successful Argentine bombing attacks against British shipping were carried out at altitudes below 200 feet Debriefs with Argentine pilots found that before the war, daily training was conducted at 50 feet. Argentine pilots believed it was easier to learn to fly at these altitudes in peacetime than on the first day of war.

It is well known that military units “fight like they train.” For this reason, we must step back and reflect on the focus of our training and ensure that it will meet the demands of the battle-field-that it will provide the experience and create the skills needed to win. If we do well in properly focused training, we should do well on the battlefield. This article will address the focus of Marine air training in target identification, tactical flying, and maneuver warfare-three areas that are of vital on today’s battlefield.

Target Identification

Ask any aviator what is the most difficult task on the battlefield, and he will tell you target identification. Historically, the battlefield has required specific target identification when attacking either ground or air targets. For example, recent air strikes in Grenada, Lebanon, and Libya required that aircrews positively identify their targets before engaging them. If targets were not identified, pilots were restricted from releasing their ordnance.

The fundamental problem with target identification is that the main equipment used to identify and distinguish targets has not changed with the advance of technology. The human eye remains the same. Although many nations have spent millions of dollars attempting to extend the eye’s capabil-ity, the battlefield limits this process. The human eye is still the dominant identifier in air–to-ground and air–to–air combat.

Historical data gathered in a 1983 Pentagon study shows that between 1954 and 1982 only four air–to–air kills were achieved beyond visual range (BVR). All other air–to–air kills involved visual target identification by the pilot. Although aircraft missiles give us the capability to shoot beyond visual range, BVR kills are few due to rules of engagement and battlefield dynamics.

When aircraft were first armed with offensive weapons, the ranges of these weapons were less than the range of the human eye. A target would be found and then the aircraft would be flown to the target to employ its weapons system. Today, however, the reverse is true. The range of an aircraft’s weapons system far exceeds the identification range of the human eye. This allows the target to be in range of the weapons system before the pilot can detect it visually.

Our training, however, seems to have focused on the extended capabilities of the weapons system but ignored the actual limitations that exist on the battlefield. In the Marine Corps fighter community, some F/A-18 training uses BVR target elimination even though BVR kills will be the exception in combat. Fleet missile shoot exercises, which are the pilots only chance at firing a missile, are also structured to allow for the firing of AIM-7 missiles under BVR conditions. In addition, these missile exercises are built around benign, nonmaneuvering, and straight and level scenarios.

Combat air–to–air missile engagement results from Vietnam and the Falklands’ air war illustrate how unrealistic such training is. Prior to Vietnam, missile statistics from training showed an 80 percent kill capability for both Sidewinder and Sparrow missiles. However, “during the period from February 1965 to March 1968, U.S. Air Force Phantoms fired 224 AIM-7 and 175 AIM-9 missiles achieving only an 8.9 and 16.0 percentage of kills, respectively.” During the Falk-lands conflict British pilots continually tried in vain to shoot Argentine air-craft from the head-on position. Technologically, the new AIM-9L missile had this capability, but out of “18 air–to–air kills, there were zero head-on kills.” My point is that both the American and British pilots had much greater technological capability than the battlefield would allow.

In the ground attack community, air–to-ground target identification training is a critical problem. Little realisitc training is being conducted where pilots have full responsibility for properly identifying a target. In all cases a forward air controller on the ground or in the air-a FAC or FAC(A)-or a range controller confirm identification for the pilot or the pilot merely tries to hit what is in close proximity to the marking round.

Where is the training that requires a pilot to hit a moving or camouflaged target? Where is the training that requires a pilot to practice popping up on a target, telling the difference between an M-60 and a T-72 tank, and then delivering effective fire on the tank? The F/A-18, the AV-8B, and the A-6 all tout their accuracy, but shooting at what-a stationary bullseye on a raked range, a stack of rubber tires that is supposed to be a ZSU or an AAA site, or a stationary armor hulk that is placed in an open field for ease of identification?

The average circular error of probability (CEP) for the attack community is approximately 15-20 feet. This score reflects a pilot’s ability to bomb a single, stationary, noncamouflaged target on a known range with little or no consideration to approaching the target tactically. The CEP for the average German Stuka pilot prior to World War II was 10 meters. BGen PaulWemer Hozzel, a retired Stuka pilot reflects:

The accuracy depended on the training of which I have spoken on before . . . . What we aimed at was to achieve hits in a circle with a radius of 10 meters from the center. . . . But you can imagine the difference diving with accuracy and hitting the target without anyone shooting at you from the ground. When you get fire in your face it is quite another situation.

In the attack helicopter community pilots spend little to no time on target identification. Cobra pilots rarely train with multiple targets or in a scenario where they must identify the one or two enemy tanks that are engaged with friendly tanks. Identifying targets at night under illumination or with night vision goggles is a realistic battlefield possibility, but it is rarely practiced.

No matter what the range of the weapon, the target must be identified before it can be engaged. All successful tactics must be based on this fact. If one fails to understand this and bases doctrine and training on the theoretical full capability of the weapons system and absent from the target identification problem, he will find activity on the battlefield quite different from the activity in training. He will find himself poorly prepared for the realities of war.

Tactical Flying

Whether we like it or not, the battle-field will demand certain tactical skills. During the Falklands conflict, Argentine pilots were required to fly at altitudes well below 100 feet in order to survive. World War II Stuka pilot Hans Rudel recounts: “we fly in low over the water from the south; it is dark and murky; I cannot distinguish anything more than 2,000 to 2,500 feet ahead . . . . I am flying at 90 feet . . . . ” Studies from the several Arab-Israeli conflicts indicate that fixed-wing aircraft must be able to routinely operate at altitudes below 200 feet and at speeds in excess of 450-500 knots. As noted by aviation author Jeffrey Ethell, “In South Africa, pilots of helicopter and fixed-wing aircraft are flying as close to the ground as possible in order to survive against a modern Soviet threat.”

If all battlefield indications point to demanding low altitude flying, 200 feet and below, then why aren’t we doing it in training? Low pilot proficiency in low altitude flying as well as other related pilot skills are reflected in both fixed-wing and helicopter communities. This low pilot proficiency in low altitude flying is for a variety of reasons.

First, the fixed-wing community is restricted from flying below 200 feet in its training-a peacetime safety consideration that prevents pilots from acquiring one of the skills that will be absolutely essential in war.

Second, flying next to the ground at high speeds is exceptionally dangerous and requires a large amount of training time to gain proficiency. Pilots don’t have the time to do this training. Pilots can’t deploy on an average of 2 to 3 months per year, properly execute their nonflying duties-S-1, S-2, S-3, etc.-stay proficient in flying, and still fly tactically. As an example, an F/A-18 pilot cannot be tactically proficient when his mission includes both fighter and attack, and will soon include the missions of the RF-4B, and TA-4F/J, the OA-4M, and eventually the A-6E. Technology can aid in mission accomplishment, but it is still the man that is the linchpin in aviation. One man can only do so much.

Another example comes from the helicopter community, where a pilot is required to have 25 hours of night vision goggle (NVG) time prior to flying a terrain following (TERF) mission with troops. The problem is not the 25hour requirement. It is the approximate 12-month period it takes to accumulate those 25 hours of NVG time in order to qualify for TERF NVG flying. The major reason given for this delay is that other commitments prevent the squadrons from flying the required amount of night flying. Although other commitments may seem important, you go to war the way you are trained, as Marine helicopter pilots did on 25 October 1983 when:

. . . at 0305 the first helicopters took off from the Guam, in total darkness. [Grenada: Operation URGENT FURY] . . . . All aircraft carried night vision goggles, but some of the pilots had not yet qualified in their use.

A second reason for reduced tactical flying proficiency is the inability to demand and monitor a high level of tactical excellence. The Marine Corps Combat Readiness Evaluation System (MCCRES) can be a very adequate and reflective tool for measuring tactical flying proficiency and combat readiness, but the aviation community is largely paying lip service to it.

Most units preparing for a MCCRES evaluation are allowed to study gouge sheets or the exact test that has been leaked out so the unit will not look bad or, heaven forbid, fail. Most of the flying portion of the MCCRES evaluation is rehearsed several times by the same individuals who will also execute the mission on the examination. Since MCCRES’s inception in 1978, not a single aviation flying squadron has failed. Further, the average aviation MCCRES score is between 95-98 percent. These results are a better reflection of the high degree of prior knowledge of MCCRES testing material than they are of tactical proficiency or combat readiness.

A squadron commander and his staff can do little in the way of focusing on tactical flying if their ability to evaluate tactical proficiency or combat readiness is somewhat askew or if non-tactical activities prevent them from dedicating enough time for tactical flying.

Maneuver Warfare

The ground side of the Marine Corps has adopted the doctrinal concept of maneuver warfare. What impact does this have on the aviation community? Will the same operational techniques work for aviation no matter what the ground doctrine of battle?

Maneuver warfare is dominated by rapid change, independent action, and decentralized control. The direction of battle is controlled through implicit commands vice explicit commands. Mission, center of gravity, and commander’s intent shape the battle; the focus is on the enemy. It is on this battlefield that Marine air must develop its warfighting concepts.

The essence of maneuver warfare is high operational tempo. A central concept is to increase the dynamics on the battlefield to such a level that the opponent begins to fail, loses his cohesion, and can no longer fight as an effective, organized force. However, for the battlefield to reach such a point of high dynamics, the parts must begin to act independently. Not independently without direction but independent in relation to the whole of battle, which is directed and guided by the commander’s intent, the mission, and the constant focus on the enemy.

The question then becomes what will Marine aviation have to do on this battlefield that is different from what they are doing today? First, Marine aviation must learn to think and act differently. Aviators must look past the cockpit. Aviators must not only know how to fly their aircraft tactically to survive, but they must know what effect they want to have on the battlefield and why. They must start learning the whole of battle so that, when they are compelled by the battlefield to take action, they know what action to take and why. Currently, Marine aviation is focused too narrowly on the mechanics of getting “bombs on target.” Although target accuracy is necessary, in maneuver warfare it is the what, where, and why targets are hit in relation to other battlefield activity that is extremely important.

The Cobra pilots must be able to think like infantry commanders. They must not only understand and know their weapon system and tactics, they must also understand how to employ their weapon systems under the guidance of the commander’s intent and the mission, while continually focusing on the enemy. Fixed-wing pilots must be able to respond immediately to an ever-changing ground situation and understand the ground situation when they arrive in the target area.

For Marine aviation this means that we must break our dependency on centralized control in the execution of air power and become less reliant on preplanned missions. This means that pilots must learn new techniques on how to identify critical targets without the aid of a mark or a FAC, and learn how to employ air power by evaluating battlefield situations. This is much different than taking out a specific target when directed by higher authority. We must truly become an air-ground team in doctrine as well as in training. Marine aviation must focus its training totally on supporting the ground commander’s mission and intent, while all focus on the enemy.

Conclusion

“Everything in war is simple, but the simplest thing is very difficult.”

-Clausewitz

It is because war has so many unknowns that simple things like identifying a target become very difficult. If you have spent your training time trying only to identify targets that are easy to see, static, nonmaneuvering, and not intermixed with friendly forces or places in difficult terrain, you are going to have a tremendous amount of difficulty in war. War offers abundant difficulties; we do not need to add to them by ignoring lessons of the past Granted, we will make plenty of mistakes on our own, but we do not need to repeat the mistakes of others.

Although the battlefield is illusive and sometimes it requires a great amount of insight to ferret out the correct solution, it can and must be done. If Marines are to fly tactically then they must look to the battlefield to find out what skills are required and practice them.

The Marine Corps has adopted maneuver warfare as its doctrine. It is a doctrine that depicts a very active battlefield. New tactics are the answer, not new equipment Old practices, only done faster and with more “G” on the aircraft, will be of little help.

For Marines the final test will always be the battlefield; anything else that we might do really doesn’t matter. Marines must be able to fight and fight well. In almost all cases the difficulties that we have in training will emerge again on the battlefield. We must not ignore this implication. Marine air must continually look to the battlefield and develop the appropriate tactics, thinking, and realistic training. If it has to be done in war, then Marines must practice it in peace.

The Art of MAGTF Warfare

Maj R. Scott Moore

First Place 1988 Chase Prize Essay Contest

Although almost 10 years have passed since William S. Lind and his followers first introduced maneuver warfare to the Marine Corps, the concepts still struggle for acceptance. While some resistance to maneuver warfare may be attributed to the natural reluctance of any military organization to change, much can be blamed on the so-called “maneuverists” themselves. Mr. land’s abrasiveness aside, the advocates of maneuver warfare have done a poor job of explaining their theory. Couching arguments in vague generalities and historical examples recalling the glory of the German Wehrmacht, they have alienated many Marines who must fight the next battle. This shortfall could have tragic consequences, for the concepts of maneuver warfare offer Marines a fresh means of facing the future. Maneuver warfare, by its concentration on tactical excellence rather than numerical superiority, is uniquely suited to the Corps. Unfortunately, the confusion surrounding maneuver warfare has obscured this basic fact.

If maneuver warfare is to be of any value to the Marine Corps, then it must be grafted to the unique missions and requirements of Marines. A Marine adaptation-a version that meets the theoretical and practical needs of Marine airground task forces (MAGTFs)-should emerge. We might call this the art of MAGTF warfare.

Two basic facts beg acceptance if this change is to be accomplished. First, the concepts of maneuver warfare are based on sound historical examples and cannot be discounted by the military professional. Second, although the Marine Corps, like any military force, has made mistakes, it possesses a fine historical combat record that can, at least in part, be attributed to its doctrine. Acceptance of these two facts should bring the conclusion that maneuver warfare and Marine doctrine are not mutually exclusive. With that in mind, synthesizing the best of both into a practical guide for Marines who will fight the next war is but a short step.

Before maneuver warfare can be interwoven with Marine Corps realities, both elements should be reviewed and understood. The basic concepts of maneuver warfare are actually quite simple. Based on retired Air Force Col John Boyd’s observation-orientation-decision-action cycle (the OODA loop), the theory states that the military unit more rapidly able to receive information and turn it into effective action will eventually place its enemy in an untenable situation. In battlefield terms, this can be accomplished through three so-called “filters”-the focus of main effort, surfaces and gaps, and mission-type orders. Without belaboring the already belabored, this translates into seeking out the enemy’s weaknesses, keeping him guessing, and doing both through decentralized control of subordinate units, allowing them to exploit fleeting opportunities. To Marines, this is often equated to gaining and maintaining the initiative. But it is more than that; maneuver warfare is a way of thinking about battle that continually sees it as a contest of wills, not weapons. Rather than outmuscling opponents, in the tradition of the Somme, Iwo Jima, and Khe Sanh, maneuver warfare seeks to outfight opponents more in the manner of Sherman before Atlanta, the German blitzkrieg, and the British in the Falklands.

Central to the theory of maneuver warfare is the concept of the operational art. A rather esoteric concept, the operational art has never been meaningfully defined for Marines. The Army, in FM 100-5, defines it in terms of corps-sized actions, a notion largely ridiculous to the Marine. Yet, the operational art is critical to the Marine’s ability to fight on the battlefield, for it provides direction to his series of small-unit battles. The operational art, then, is the art of using tactical outcomes, successful or not, to achieve a commander’s objectives. While Mr. Lind may speak of it as being the link between tactics and strategy, it is more straightforward than that. For Marines, the operational art is the art of MAGTF warfare, whatever the size of the MAGTF. This concept will be discussed in some detail below; however, Marines must never lose sight of the MAGTF commander’s unique ability to mesh the tactical outcomes of both ground and air battles into a coherent, multidimensional campaign.

As sound as the principles of maneuver warfare may be, they must be tempered by the realities of Marine Corps operations. Strategically, Marines face a rather clearly delineated set of parameters. Short of war against the Russians, a highly unlikely prospect, Marines will be confronted by low- to mid-intensity conflicts. These range from small guerrilla wars to major armored engagements. One aspect, however, will remain constant-They will be fought with existing forces, within a relatively short span of time, and under political restraints. Mobilization, including the draft, will not be authorized. Most importantly, Americans will expect quick results. Casualties without measurable progress will not be tolerated as shown by contrasting American reactions to Grenada and Beirut. Political objectives, expressed in restrictive rules of engagement, will temper military operations. In short, future combat will be fought for limited objectives with limited forces.

The logistical capabilities of the Navy and Air Force further constrain Marine forces. As all Marines are aware, strategic airlift and sealift are severely limited, particularly for amphibious operations. Quite often, these limitations, rather than operational imperatives, drive the task organization of the landing force. Even with the maritime pre-positioning program, Marines need an Air Force commodity that may not always be available, particularly if they must compete with Army forces to get to the battlefield. These strategic and logistical limitations determine the type of battle an expeditionary Marine force will fight. Not only must the Marine be able to achieve decisive results rapidly for strategic and political reasons, he must do it without the forces or the logistics buildup necessary to achieve overwhelming numerical superiority. The Marine must be able to outfight his opponent, be it a mechanized desert army or a jungle-bound insurgency. The extent to which Marines apply the principles of maneuver warfare may well determine their success.

Fortunately, the Marine Corps possesses a doctrinal organization capable of meeting the demands of the future battlefield. The MAGTF meshes theory with reality by fielding a small, expeditionary, self-sufficient, combined arms force that is potentially far more lethal than its limited size might indicate. The truly unique aspect of the MAGTF resides in its aviation combat element (ACE). Marine propaganda aside, the ACE’s true value does not lie in its ability to provide close support to the rifleman. The MAGTF structure enables its commander to designate either a ground or air focus of main effort, greatly expanding his ability to keep an enemy off balance. The MAGTF thus becomes an operational level command, despite its relatively small size, able to fight an integrated air-ground battle by shifting its emphasis between dimensions as the situation dictates. It can exploit enemy gaps quickly, not having to rely on cumbersome inter-Service coordination and successive command layers. This has been at the heart of the Marine Corps’ insistence or retaining control of its air assets during joint operations and will remain so in the future.

To fully exercise the air-ground capabilities of the MAGTF, Marines must understand the importance of the MAGTF command element. For too long, Marines have regarded the MAGTF command element as little more than a collection of coordinators and referees, whose function centered on ensuring that the ground combat element (GCE) and ACE remained in harmony and in deflecting intrusions from outside headquarters. Yet, retention of a rapid decision cycle demands more of the MAGTF command element. Fire support coordination can no longer be the sole responsibility of the GCE. Given modern, long-range weaponry, the threat, and, most important, the role of the ACE, fire support coordination must take place at the level most able to coordinate fires effectively for the entire force. General support artillery, deep air support, long-range naval gunfire, and rear area fires will all occur within the amphibious objective area and cannot be effectively planned or coordinated by the GCE. Additionally, combat units normally associated with the GCE or ACE may be controlled directly by the MAGTF command element. The MAGTF reserve, for example, cannot be encumbered by an intervening command element. The key considerations must be maintaining the ability to rapidly identify weaknesses and then shifting the focus of main effort, air or ground, to exploit them. This can only be accomplished at the MAGTF level.

The role of the MAGTF reserve, alone, justifies an enhanced command element. The reserve provides a commander with the ability to bring decisive power to bear at the critical point. This translates to that point which will unhinge the enemy’s cohesion. Normally, the MAGTF reserve is expressed in terms of the GCE. The assumption is that the reserve will be employed by the GCE in reaction to a GCE requirement. While such a mission is important, it is the function of the GCE reserve, not the MAGTF reserve. The MAGTF reserve must be keyed to the enemy’s critical weakness, be it ground, air, or logistical. The reserve, therefore, should not be solely a ground unit. Like the MAGTF, it must be an integrated combined arms force and may well be composed primarily of aviation units. It may even be employed before, rather than after, the MAGTF fully commits its main forces, should the opponent’s center of gravity be discovered early in the campaign. The MAGTF reserve, like the command element, cannot be solely tied to the GCE’s capabilities or requirements.

MAGTF warfare, however, remains hollow if not adapted to the major subordinate elements. As the ground gaining component, the GCE has been the priority target of maneuver warfare reform, and it would be redundant to recount the precepts established in OH 6-1. Ground Combat Element. Two points should be reiterated, however. First, and most crucial, the GCE is nothing if not a combined arms team. This seems obvious enough, but the term “combined arms” is an abused phrase. Too often, it equates to prep fires followed by an infantry assault, not much different in principle from the Somme. Combined arms imply more than just supporting fires. Properly understood, the term refers to fire and maneuver molded into one element, confronting the enemy with a dilemma. Actions taken to defend against firepower automatically endanger him from maneuver. When the dust clears, the enemy should emerge from his hole confronted by a Marine or, better still, bypassed and useless to the battle. In achieving this, suppression reigns. While destruction of a target may be impressive, its accomplishment not only wastes ammunition, it prevents the maneuver element from approaching its objective before the enemy survivors can recover. Neither can be afforded. Combined arms, more than the mere technical application of supporting fires, must be the foundation of the GCE.

The second MAGTF warfare principle associated with the GCE is the missiontype order, which is neither the exclusive property of the GCE nor well understood. The mission-type order applies equally to the ACE and the combat service support element (CSSE). For all three, it provides a means of battlefield control and integration. The key ingredient resides in the commander’s intent, a clear statement of what the commander intends to do to the enemy. This is critical. Mission-type orders often come encumbered by vague statements proclaiming defeat of the enemy or, worse, seizure of so-called key terrain as the intent. An effective mission-type order clearly delineates what effect the mission should have on the enemy. This enables the subordinate leader to meet the inevitable confusion of combat. If, for example, the objective is to seize a hill, then the intent should tell the unit what effect seizure of the hill will have on the enemy. The subordinate commander may then bypass the hill, should it be heavily defended, and still place his unit in a position to accomplish his mission. The mission-type order thus functions as a control mechanism, obviating many of the oft-used restrictive measures. In drafting a mission-type order, simplicity rules. A concise, standard mission statement followed by “in order to” and an equally concise statement of intent suffices. Mission-type orders offer an uncomplicated glue that binds together the diverse elements of the MAGTF.

While the GCE has slowly adopted these concepts, the same cannot be said for the ACE. This is indeed unfortunate, for the ACE provides the MAGTF with a wide ranging, potentially decisive maneuver element unknown to any other military force of similar size. All that really differs from the GCE is the dimension in which it operates. The ACE, too, can be designated as the focus of main effort or the reserve and may even assume responsibility for a geographic area. To do so, a few cherished beliefs may have to be dispelled. First, the ACE’s primary mission is not direct support of the rifleman. The MAGTF‘s operational mission determines the ACE’s tasks; many of these will not involve flying in close proximity to the forward edge of the battle area. Indeed, quite often flying there will mean suicide. Given the potential threats, to wait until the enemy is engaged with the rifleman may well be too late. Second, support relationships between the ACE and the GCE need not be one way. Elements of the GCE should be prepared to provide direct support or even attach units to the ACE. Finally, aviation tasking need not be centralized to be effective. The cumbersome Marine air command and control system contains the seeds of disaster in its reliance on extensive communications and detailed air tasking procedures. Mission-type orders apply equally to the ACE. Detailed frag orders assigning specific missions to individual aircraft bypass the command prerogatives of squadron and group commanders and often prove slow and inflexible. The ACE as a maneuver element cannot afford to be so hindered.

If the ACE is to be a maneuver element, Marines must reexamine current concepts of air support. While deep air support, interdiction, and air superiority already occupy places in a Marine’s vocabulary, other, less conventional missions present themselves. The ACE may exploit breakthroughs, conduct pursuits, screen flanks, act as the MAGTF reserve, or even control terrain. These missions can only be accomplished by a combined arms team of fixed-wing aircraft, helicopters, and ground units, particularly infantry, under the ACE commander. The greatest argument against such task organization is the paucity of command and control assets available to the ACE, particularly those for fire support coordination. Yet, this is a superficial detractor. Employment of the ACE as a maneuver element will differ fundamentally from that of the GCE. ACE missions will be short term in nature and conducted over long ranges, usually outside the artillery fan in order to take advantage of aviation capabilities. Infantry will be inserted and extracted quickly, forming a series of ambushes or overwatch positions to fix the enemy, both supporting and supported by attack aviation. Using these tactics, the ACE possesses the necessary command and control assets. The airborne supporting arms coordinator, or SAC(A), linked to forward air controllers and an airborne tactical air controller can effectively coordinate fires. Modern airborne communications suites, the most common being the ASC-26, enable the on-scene commander to maintain control of the battle, a task greatly eased by mission-type orders. The obstacles to employing the ACE as a maneuver element may not be doctrinal or technical; they may be in the minds of Marines.

However impressive the maneuvering of both the GCE and the ACE may be, neither can function without a CSSE that is equally attuned to the style of warfare. Combat service support must anticipate, rather than react to, the needs of the maneuver elements-a concept often called forward-push logistics. Resupply cannot wait for requests from units in contact with the enemy; instead, logisticians must be fully aware of the tactical situation and project requirements. Resupply must occur automatically. Forward-push logistics implies a continual flow from the rear, from the main combat service support area to the combat unit, without detailed request procedures. Plans, both tactical and logistical, must include anticipated expenditures, logistics mobility, and timing. The ACE will play an important role in this planning. Aside from the obvious reliance on heavy helicopter lift, other techniques may be applied. The forward arming and refueling point (FARP) concept already practiced by helicopter and AV-8B squadrons can be equally effective in rearming and refueling fast-moving or dispersed ground units. (See MCG, Feb88, p. 60.) Logistics, automatic and attuned to the battle, must be as rapid and flexible as maneuver.

Perhaps the CSSE’s greatest impact on MAGTF warfare rests in its degree of vulnerability. Throughout military history, logistics bases have been the targets of armies. The 20th century is no different than the 1st in this regard. Unfortunately, this truth seems to be ignored by a Marine Corps that is management and technology oriented. The simple fact is that as Marine weapons systems have improved so, too, their logistics tail has grown, sometimes exponentially. This is particularly true for the ACE. Some growth cannot be avoided; unfortunately, some is self-inflicted. Too often, CSSEs pride themselves on the amount of supplies and equipment they can move ashore and stockpile. That feat places the MAGTF in peril, for it creates the type of weakness the enemy may be seeking to exploit. The ACE and GCE share the guilt. Elaborate tent camps, replete with mess halls, modem conveniences, and garrison-like routines, all erected in the name of troop welfare, may well be offering the MAGTF up for defeat. At the very least, such rear area bases must be defended, a task that siphons combat units away from the main effort and forces the MAGTF commander to concentrate on himself rather than the enemy. Most Vietnam veterans can attest to the vulnerability and drain on combat units engendered by the large cantonments and numerous supply bases scattered throughout the I Corps tactical zone.

Yet, like much of MAGTF warfare, the solution to combat service support vulnerability is relatively simple. Recent emphasis on rear area security helps, but with it must come a fundamental attitude change. Only five requirements should be levied on the logistics system of a MAGTF-food, water, ammunition, fuel, and maintenance. All other amenities constitute luxuries and have no place on the battlefield. This may sound hard, and it is intentionally so, but not nearly so hard as defeat. Maximum use of seabasing, dispersion, austere forward operating bases for the ACE, and mobile-loaded logistics trains with no fixed location offer a partial solution. More fundamental, Marines must realize that combat is inherently an outdoor activity, waged in the field under varying extremes of terrain and weather. To deny that by insisting on indoor substitutes ignores the very nature of war. Keeping Marines warm, dry, and reasonably well rested, therefore, should become a function of training, not tonnage. While the infantryman understands these demands, his brothers in the ACE and CSSE must be equally inured to hardship. In doing so, they will erase a critical MAGTF weakness and begin practicing MAGTF warfare at its most basic level.

MAGTF warfare, in all its dimensions, comprises the operational art for Marines. Drawing on the basic principles of maneuver warfare, it adapts the unique capabilities and requirements of the MAGTF to the realities of the battlefield. In doing so, some long-held precepts may need rethinking, particularly as they relate to aviation and combat service support. The expanded role of the ACE as an integral maneuver element will demand imaginative leaders, both ground and aviation. Combat service support, too often forgotten in the equation, must be as flexible and as invulnerable as the maneuver elements. Binding them together, the MAGTF command element, rooted in the principles of mission-type orders, provides operational level planning and command. What emerges is a compact, agile combined arms team. For Marines who fight the battle, MAGTF warfare offers a means of conceptualizing combat in three dimensions-ground, air, and support. More importantly, the art of MAGTF warfare provides practical solutions to battlefield problems.

Editors & Authors

Editors

Over the past decade, the Gazette has published many articles on maneuver warfare, enough to place it clearly among the leaders in the discussion of this style of warfare. In fact, the subject has been covered so extensively that readers have been prompted to ask “How much is enough?” More than once we have felt some doubts ourselves and have suggested to would-be authors that the subject was “for all practical purposes, exhausted.” Then again we expect others have said the same for similar discussions throughout history, such as the British debate over mechanization that occupied the pages of the RUSI Journal and Army Quarterly for much of the 1920s and 1930s. Little does one know . . . .

In truth, of course, styles of warfare and military theory are anything but static. No one has the last word. Complex ideas and concepts are born but partially developed and poorly defined. They must mature and bloom, and they must adapt to ever-changing environments. While admittedly a couple of the maneuver articles may have been rehashes (we called them “useful summaries”), most broadened and clarified the underlying ideas and contributed to the growth and evolution of the concepts.

Still the process goes on. In this issue three more articles assess the maneuver topic. Maj R. Scott Moore (p. 24) expands maneuver warfare into the area of operational art and examines what aviation and combat service support must do if that style of warfare is to realize its full potential. LtCol Gary W. Anderson (p. 57) follows the Commandant’s advice and focuses on lowintensity conflict, pointing out areas in which maneuver warfare theory-at least as normally defined-seems less applicable. William S. Lind, et al. (p. 59) discuss what is meant by the term “combined arms” when it is properly understood. They offer a theoretical foundation that should be of practical value in every Marine fire support coordination center.

There is a lesson here-a lesson about the dynamic nature of the military professional. Almost nothing is final, or beyond change, or as clear or as good as it ought to be. Maneuver warfare is a part of OH 6-1 Ground Combat Operations and the new FMFM 1 Warfighting. It will continue to mature, and we expect you will continue to write about it-a development that will be all for the good.

J.E.G.

Authors

The Commandant’s “Annual Report of the Marine Corps to Congress,” p. 14, emphasizes the institutional changes accomplished in 1988, and offers a view of the future. Gen A.M. Gray also made members of Congress aware of the greatest issue they and the Corps face: how the Marines can best contribute to national security within the constraints of the budget.

For the third time in eight years Maj R. Scott Moore has won the annual MajGen Harold W. Chase Prize Essay Contest. His entry, “The Art of MAGTF Warfare,” p. 24, was selected from a field of over 32 other Chase essays submitted in 1988. He is assigned to MAG-26 at MCAS New River as an air-ground exchange officer. More 1988 Chase Contest entries appear on p. 37 (LtCol Charles L. Armstrong), p. 38 (Maj Richard J. Macak), p. 42 (Maj R. David Clarke), p. 49 (Capt Jon T. Hoffman), and p. 66 (LtCol Christopher J. Gregor).

This month’s Focus on Low-Intensity Conflict continues the discussion launched under the same title in Mar88. Now, more Marines are fueling the discussion. Maj Susan J. Flores, who first wrote for the Gazette in Oct88 with an assessment of reconnaissance, takes a look at “Marine Corps Employment in Low-Intensity Conflict,” p. 30. She is joined by four 1988 Chase contest contributors (see above) and two Reserve officers.

Editors & Authors

Editors

Over the past decade, the Gazette has published many articles on maneuver warfare, enough to place it clearly among the leaders in the discussion of this style of warfare. In fact, the subject has been covered so extensively that readers have been prompted to ask “How much is enough?” More than once we have felt some doubts ourselves and have suggested to would-be authors that the subject was “for all practical purposes, exhausted.” Then again we expect others have said the same for similar discussions throughout history, such as the British debate over mechanization that occupied the pages of the RUSI Journal and Army Quarterly for much of the 1920s and 1930s. Little does one know . . . .

In truth, of course, styles of warfare and military theory are anything but static. No one has the last word. Complex ideas and concepts are born but partially developed and poorly defined. They must mature and bloom, and they must adapt to ever-changing environments. While admittedly a couple of the maneuver articles may have been rehashes (we called them “useful summaries”), most broadened and clarified the underlying ideas and contributed to the growth and evolution of the concepts.

Still the process goes on. In this issue three more articles assess the maneuver topic. Maj R. Scott Moore (p. 24) expands maneuver warfare into the area of operational art and examines what aviation and combat service support must do if that style of warfare is to realize its full potential. LtCol Gary W. Anderson (p. 57) follows the Commandant’s advice and focuses on lowintensity conflict, pointing out areas in which maneuver warfare theory-at least as normally defined-seems less applicable. William S. Lind, et al. (p. 59) discuss what is meant by the term “combined arms” when it is properly understood. They offer a theoretical foundation that should be of practical value in every Marine fire support coordination center.

There is a lesson here-a lesson about the dynamic nature of the military professional. Almost nothing is final, or beyond change, or as clear or as good as it ought to be. Maneuver warfare is a part of OH 6-1 Ground Combat Operations and the new FMFM 1 Warfighting. It will continue to mature, and we expect you will continue to write about it-a development that will be all for the good.

J.E.G.

Authors

The Commandant’s “Annual Report of the Marine Corps to Congress,” p. 14, emphasizes the institutional changes accomplished in 1988, and offers a view of the future. Gen A.M. Gray also made members of Congress aware of the greatest issue they and the Corps face: how the Marines can best contribute to national security within the constraints of the budget.

For the third time in eight years Maj R. Scott Moore has won the annual MajGen Harold W. Chase Prize Essay Contest. His entry, “The Art of MAGTF Warfare,” p. 24, was selected from a field of over 32 other Chase essays submitted in 1988. He is assigned to MAG-26 at MCAS New River as an air-ground exchange officer. More 1988 Chase Contest entries appear on p. 37 (LtCol Charles L. Armstrong), p. 38 (Maj Richard J. Macak), p. 42 (Maj R. David Clarke), p. 49 (Capt Jon T. Hoffman), and p. 66 (LtCol Christopher J. Gregor).

This month’s Focus on Low-Intensity Conflict continues the discussion launched under the same title in Mar88. Now, more Marines are fueling the discussion. Maj Susan J. Flores, who first wrote for the Gazette in Oct88 with an assessment of reconnaissance, takes a look at “Marine Corps Employment in Low-Intensity Conflict,” p. 30. She is joined by four 1988 Chase contest contributors (see above) and two Reserve officers.

When Maneuver Fails

by LtCol Gary W. Anderson

The current edition of OH 6-1 describes maneuver warfare as:

. . . an approach to war which emphasizes disrupting the cohesion of the enemy’s tactical units and the mental process of the enemy commander’s ability to make correct and timely decisions rather than simply attempting to inflict casualties at a greater rate than they are sustained.

There is a key unanswered question here: What happens if the enemy doesn’t have cohesion or a decision-making cycle worth disrupting?

This question is not academic. At the operational level of war, the Soviets have grappled with this problem in Afghanistan; the Israelis continue to wrestle with it in southern Lebanon. Both the Russians and the Israelis have tried in vain to identify a point of main effort at which to strike the decisionmaking process of their foes; both have failed. At the tactical level in these two conflicts, the Soviets and Israelis have had notable successes; however, they have not been able to string these tactical successes together into operational victories in the manner prescribed by theorists such as John Boyd and William Lind.

The situations in Afghanistan and Lebanon are not unique. The pattern seen in both of those wars is typical of low-intensity conflict in the late 20th century, and this presents the Marine Corps with a dilemma. The Marine Corps has adopted maneuver warfare as its doctrine, but it also is currently advertising that its most likely scenarios for employment in the next 10 years will be in low-intensity conflicts. On the surface, this appears to place the Marine Corps in the position of having adopted a doctrine not applicable to its most likely form of employment.

In actuality, maneuver warfare is still relevant to the greater scheme of things; however, to appreciate its applicability we must understand that maneuver warfare is just a part of a much larger concept. In a September 1985 Gazette article, I called this concept the ‘Tactics of Mistake” after the title of an old Gordon Dickson novel; but for the purpose of avoiding unnecessary labels we will merely call the construct “enemy-oriented operations.” The following description, found in Lynn Montross’ War Through the Ages, was allegedly penned by the great Byzantine general, Belisarius. It is a good description of enemy-oriented operations.

In the first skirmishes with the Goths, I was always out to discover what were the strong and weak points in their tactics, in order to accommodate my own to them, to make up for my numerical inferiority. I found that the chief difference between them and us was that our horse and our Hunnish Foederati are all expert horse-bowmen, while the enemy has scarcely any knowledge of archery. For the gothic knights use sword and lance alone, while their bowmen are always drawn up to the rear under cover of the heavy squadrons. So their horsemen are no good till the battle comes to close quarters, and (they) can be shot down while standing in battle array before the moment of contact arrives. Their foot archerers, on the other hand, will never dare to advance against cavalry, and keep too far back.

Throughout history, the consistently successful military leaders have shown an ability to accurately determine enemy weaknesses, mistakes, and vulnerabilities in a timely manner. In battle after battle since antiquity the victor was the commander who could most quickly recognize his enemy’s key vulnerabilities and exploit those miscues in a timely manner. Alexander’s timely recognition of a gap in the Persian lines at Arbela combined with his subsequent charge to take out the Persian command group was one of the first documented examples of this concept. Caesar learned early in his career that his barbarian adversaries would charge uphill and tire themselves before they even reached Roman lines. Whenever possible, the opportunistic Roman would find a hill and endeavor to entice his adversaries to charge up it.

This timely cycle of recognition and exploitation of enemy mistakes and weaknesses was possible in the years before the U.S. Civil War because the commander was generally able to view the entire battlefield or, at least, significant parts of it. The commander himself or a key subordinate was usually the individual who spotted the crucial enemy mistake, and this made the cycle of recognition and exploitation (R-E cycle) relatively short. At Arbela, the R-E cycle was nearly instantaneous; it was completed in the short amount of time that Alexander needed to make his decision and raise his arm to signal the charge to his companion cavalry, which was sitting behind him at the moment he made the decision. At Leuctra, Epaminondas positioned himself on his own Theban left where he could supervise a buildup of superior mass against an expected Spartan weakness. When the expected weakness was confirmed, Epaminondas was in a position to execute a very short cycle of recognition and exploitation. As a rule of thumb, the only thing that generally slowed the R-E cycle during pre-Civil War operations was any delay by the commander in making a timely decision or in the physical delay caused by transmitting an order to the exploiting force. At Waterloo, Napoleon probably lost the battle when he uncharacteristically delayed a decision to exploit the capture of the key strongpoint of La Haye Saint for over an hour. In other battles, the R-E cycle was lengthened by lost messengers and subordinate commanders who failed to carry out orders in a timely manner. The true masters of pre-Civil War combat were those commanders who could most quickly complete the R-E cycle.

The flip side of the R-E cycle is the ability to recognize and correct friendly vulnerabilities and weaknesses. This recognition-correction (R-C) cycle is the shield in enemy-oriented operations, while the R-E cycle acts as the sword. The true practitioner of enemy-oriented operations must be careful to concentrate on the really key mistakes and vulnerabilities both friendly and enemy, lest precious time and resources be frittered away in pursuit or irrelevant objectives. Col Joshua Chamberlain’s quick reaction at Little Round Top at Gettysburg is a classic example of the concept of the R-C cycle properly at work. When his unit (20th Maine) ran out of ammunition at a critical juncture during the battle, Chamberlain ordered a bayonet charge that so unhinged the Confederate force facing him that the rebels withdrew, saving a vital piece of terrain for the Union. The concept of the R-C cycle is key to enemy-oriented operations. It is valid at both the tactical and operational levels of war.

Most readers will note that the theory of the R-E/R-C cycles is similar to the observation-orientation-decision-action (O-O-D-A) cycle; they are similar, but they are not the same. O-O-D-A cycle works in that part of the continuum of warfare where both opponents have a coherent decisionmaking cycle worth disrupting. Indeed, in the area of small unit tactics, the O-O-D-A cycle may be universally applicable. But at the battalion level and above in low-intensity conflicts, the O-O-D-A cycle is less relevant. This is true also at the highest end of the conflict spectrum-nuclear war.

At the high end of the spectrum, maneuver warfare becomes irrelevant if command, control, and communications systems are destroyed. In many cases our nuclear systems are designed to respond despite this loss of control. (Figure 1 shows where maneuver warfare comfortably fits into the conflict spectrum.)

What all of this means is that the O-O-D-A cycle as represented by maneuver warfare doctrine is really one of a number of options to be selected if the enemy’s mistakes or vulnerabilties warrant it However, other elements of what we now call maneuver warfare are universally applicable along the entire spectrum of conflict Figure 2 lists the areas where maneuver warfare as defined in OH 6-1 is universally relevant as well as those that are relevant in conventional conflict

An enemy-oriented mindset as represented by the completion of the R-E/ R-C cycles is a universal construct The O-O-D-A cycle and maneuver warfare are a subset of the greater whole. We need to realize when the precepts of the O-O-D-A cycle are relevant and when they are not Adopting maneuver warfare as a doctrine isn’t a bad idea; it is merely an incomplete one.

Cultivating Critical and Strategic Thinkers

by Mie Augier & Maj Sean F.X. Barrett

We recently wrote about the intellectual renaissance inspired by the 29th Commandant of the Marine Corps, Gen Alfred M. Gray, and the relevance of maneuver warfare ideas today. {See “People First,” MCG, Junl9.) This article intends to explicate some themes regarding the thinking and decision making under uncertainty alluded to in our earlier article, as well as their usefulness given the trends in the current (and likely future) strategic operating environment.

FMFM1, Warfighting states,

In an environment of friction, uncertainty, and fluidity, war gravitates naturally toward disorder … It is precisely this natural disorder which creates the conditions ripe for exploitation by an opportunistic will.2

Early critics of maneuver warfare, however, argued that maneuver warfare did not give enemy commanders enough credit. After all,

it should not be assumed that enemy commanders will lose control of the situation and their forces disintegrate when faced with rapidly changing situations.

Additionally, are we to assume our Marine commanders will somehow remain unaffected by the same conditions? Enemy forces have proven throughout history that they will fight on in spite of “a disastrous logistics and command and control situation.”^

We acknowledge that such assumptions are not altogether valid and aim to address these concerns by placing maneuver warfare philosophy within the larger literature on learning and problem solving under ambiguity in order to provide some recommendations-nested within both established educational curricula and Marine Corps history-for facilitating interdisciplinary problem solving and re-cultivating this capability in our Marines.

In this article, we analyze the nature of thinking and. “thinking about thinking,” but we do not discuss in detail the processes and pitfalls for critical and strategic thinking. Rather, we hope to extend the conversation about teaching critical and strategic thinking and to nudge our Industrial Age teaching and learning mindset not just to the Information Age, but rather one step further to the Judgment Aged

An important point to keep in mind regarding learning {and approaches to learning) is that education aiming to help nurture critical and strategic thinking has both cognitive (i.e., knowledge) and attitudinal (i.e., instinctual/affective) aspects; neither are automatic. However, while cognitive skills for analyzing and understanding can be taught through concepts, heuristics, and methods, attitudinal aspects are more difficult to teach but still important and must be cultivated through mentoring and fostering curiosity and judgment.6 Thankfully, there are important lessons from the Marine Corps’ own history (and the institution’s emphasis on education for judgment) that might be useful to re-invigorate the education of future thinkers.

Ill-structured Problems and Learning and Problem Solving Under Ambiguity

Any informed discussion of how to improve thinking, learning, and education should be based on understanding the nature and process of human thinking and learning, the types of decisions humans make, and how we can improve decision making.8 A better understanding of such fundamentals of thinking and decision-making processes will help us to improve current and future practices, as well as help us learn from what has not worked well so that we can avoid simply becoming better in irrelevant areas.

Building on and integrating some ideas from Herbert Simon, Gen Gray, LtGen Paul K. Van Riper, and others, we argue that most decision making is best viewed as taking place under conditions of bounded rationality, ambiguity, and when confronted with varying degrees of ill-structured problems-a key element of the current and future strategic environment. In particular, Van Riper’s distinction between analytical, intuitive, and systemic decision making is an instructive lens through which to view the usefulness of our teaching and learning approaches as well as the different types of problems for which they are useful.^

Analytic decision making. Some conceptions of decision making falling into this category include rational choice theory, (most of) game theory, and systems analysis. These are useful frameworks to describe some decisions as long as the conditions and assumptions upon which they are built are valid, there is only a little uncertainty (quantifiable risk), and the problem at hand is linear and relatively well-structured. Systems analysis in particular has been a major analytic framework for decades of DOD decision making. Despite its analytical elegance and simplicity, models used to capture analytic decision making are rarely useful in the domain of human activity, including war.10 The early fathers of systems analysis themselves were aware of the limitations of their perspective, emphasizing the need to understand these limitations as well as the importance of not suppressing judgment in the name of analysis.11 However, many are still often quite eager to understand the world through analytical models even at the expense of realism and understanding.12 Van Riper appeals instead to the use of two other perspectives of decision making, which are applicable to problems that are neither linear nor simple and emphasize uncertainty, ambiguity, and the limits of human rationality.

Intuitive decision making. As Van Riper, Simon, and others have noted, most people do not think and make decisions in terms of numbers. Instead, we use pattern recognition and intuition enabled by mental or cognitive models. This is especially true with more ill-structured problems, when more uncertainty is present, and when having to make decisions with many unknown variables. We make intuitive decisions when we face situations under uncertainty. We recognize things as if part of a pattern or something we have seen (or read about) before; thus we convince ourselves that we do not need to think about it.

Systemic decision making. The most difficult form of decision making is when confronted with wicked problems and when you do not recognize patterns: no shared mental models can be relied upon. For these instances, Van Riper appeals to developing an understanding of the logic and drivers of the situation and using holistic, interdisciplinary, and empirically driven problem solving. John Boyd’s emphasis on thinking, analogies, and synthesis is a useful approach for such decision making.

Van Riper’s (and Simon’s) approach to decision making involves both art and science. However, given the complexity of the security environment, understanding and teaching the “art” aspects are paramount:

The art of war and the science of war are not coequal. The art of war is clearly the most important. It’s science in support of the art. Any time that science leads in your ability to think about and make war, I believe you’re headed down a dangerous path. The art is the thinking. It is the intellectual underpinnings of war.13

Fortunately, Marines have acknowledged this for quite a while, and the emphasis on systemic and intuitive decision making is built into core organizational documents and Gen Gray’s vision for Marine Corps PME. Thus, remembering his emphasis in the context of current PME challenges, including what teaching methodologies are most appropriate, will be useful.

Learning and Thinking in the Marine Corps and Beyond

As mentioned in our previous article, Gen Gray sought to institutionalize the intellectual renaissance in the Marine Corps and key to that was the founding of Marine Corps University (MCU). Fundamentally, he wanted to ensure his Marines were as mentally ready to fight as they were physically. This required more than Marines simply memorizing facts or becoming academic historians; instead, education was intended to serve as a vehicle for sharpening judgment and warfighting capabilities:

Through education we can equip ourselves to make sound military judgments even in chaotic and uncertain situations. The ability to make clear and swift judgments, amidst chaos, is what sets the warrior apart intellectually. Though practice in the field and in wargames is important to improving military judgment, its development remains anchored to education about warU

This emphasis on education was reiterated in FMFM 1, which emphasized every Marine’s responsibility to study the profession of arms on his own, putting self-study on par with physical training: “Self-study in the art and science of war is at least equal in importance and should receive at least equal time to maintaining physical condition.”16

As Commandant, Gen Gray ordered his Marines to read and publish a manual, Book on Books, to introduce and explain the professional reading program he would institutionalize as the Commandant’s Reading List. Col Mike Wyły, who wrote Section 1, noted that professional reading itself was not the end product desired; thinking and actions on the battlefield are. However, reading, thinking about what you read, and internalizing by relating it in real ways to one’s job are necessary preparatory actions.17 Wyly explains the lessons, ranging from the most tactical to the most strategic levels, one can learn from reading in depth about a single battle and how they can be applied to other battles. Military literacy only improves by reading about multiple battles.18

This learning emphasis is similar to the case method, which first rose to prominence at Harvard Law School in the late 1800s and at Harvard Business School in the early 1900s.15 The DOD could further incorporate the case method-in lieu of more enabling and terminal learning objectives-into PME institutions to foster critical thinking and judgment. According to Kenneth Andrews’ classic definition, a case is

a carefully written description of an actual situation in business which provokes in the reader the need to decide what is going on, what the situation really is, or what the problems are- and what can and should be done.76

The case method balances the tension between experiential and academic knowledge, placing less emphasis on the abstract knowledge against which Gen Gray warned and more on how to recognize and react in concrete situations. While critics warn that too heavy an emphasis on the case method might detract from systematic knowledge and analytical skills and argue that cases can be overly simplistic, the principal claim of proponents is that the case method develops students’ problemsolving skills for when they are later confronted with ill-structured problems in the real world, and it leverages the heterogeneity of the students to foster interdisciplinary problem-solving.21 Gen Gray recognized and emphasized the merits of this form of instruction and took steps toward emphasizing both thinking and judgment in exercises as well as key institutional documents to help educate for the future.22

This form of instruction has a history in Marine Corps PME institutions that even predated the founding of MCU and is rooted in the initial development of maneuver warfare philosophy. When Col Wyly took over as Head of Tactics at Amphibious Warfare School for the 1979-80 academic year, he felt the curriculum (that he had studied himself while a student at Amphibious Warfare School) was lacking in history and intellectual rigor. Dissatisfied with Marine Corps doctrine and educational curricula, Wyly turned to the ideas of John Boyd and resolved to deemphasize instruction on manuals and doctrine, which he felt became ends in themselves.23 Wyly invited Boyd to speak during that school year, and he incorporated historical battle studies and exercises that required students to make decisions. Wyly also eliminated prescribed solutions that instructors had previously relied on during these exercises and even deviated from established norms and curricula by taking his students to the field for tactical exercises without troops.24 His ability to transform the curriculum was made possible by the high degree of freedom his chain of command afforded him. However, when his superiors changed, Wyly was ultimately reassigned to a mundane staff position because his superiors wanted to return to the old attrition doctrine.23 This episode is instructive in that it highlights the bureaucratic tendency to resist change and emphasizes the need to build and maintain a broad base of support that can foster change from the bottom up, a tactic that Gen Gray presciently employed.

Other important bureaucratic tendencies that Gen Gray warned against is the desire to measure-ostensibly “progress”-and create standard processes, both of which oftentimes are the enemy of critical thinking and create burdensome requirements that undermine a Marines motivation to learn.26 In the forward for Book on Books, he recognized that individuals and units could use different methods for executing his order to read. This theme of decentralized implementation continued throughout the text and is consistent with mission-type orders. In explaining what to read, Wyly asserted, “Marines should pick their books according to their needs.”27 The books referenced were simply meant to be “seed corn … to stimulate interests in reading about the profession.”28 Implementing the program would be “left up to the discretion and initiative of commanders and individuals.”2^1 In marked contrast to today’s mounting administrative and training requirements, Wyly informed readers, “Do not anticipate a reporting process, or a centralized requirement for written exams, designed to assure that Marines are reading.”30

The perils of relying on centralized exams and requirements too heavily, as well as the importance of active learning (e.g., cases), should inform current educational initiatives. In discussing the aims of education, Alfred North Whitehead warns:

In education, as elsewhere, the broad primrose path is represented by a book or a set of lectures which will practically enable the student to learn by heart all the questions likely to be asked at the next external examination.3*

While acknowledging that “such examinations have their use in testing slackness,” Whitehead contended that the uniform central examination

kills the best part of our culture. When you analyse in the light of experience the central task of education, you find that its successful accomplishment depends on a delicate adjustment of many variable factors. The reason is that we are dealing with human minds, and not with dead matter. The evocation of curiosity, of judgment, of the power of mastering a complicated tangle of circumstances … all these powers are not to be imparted by a set rule embodied in one schedule of examination subjects.32

Thus, fostering a culture that inspires Marines to “realize [their] own potential in order to better fulfill [their] professional calling” is a culture consistent with Gray’s vision for education as well as earlier foundational discussions concerning the history and philosophy of education, the emphasis on interdisciplinary reading and learning, and the importance of thinking and understanding (i.e., not just accumulating facts).

Implications for PME

As senior leaders increasingly call for improving the education of critical and strategic thinking in our PME institutions,34 a new doctrinal philosophy for learning might find inspiration from integrating the philosophies of Whitehead and Gray, as well as from Simon and Van Riper’s emphasis on human thinking and problem-solving. The story of Gen Gray’s emphasis on education, thinking, and judgment-and their significance to the maneuver warfare movement-is important to more than the story of a particular period of Marine Corps history. Rather, it provides an intellectual framework for dealing with the type of ill-structured, complex problems that Simon, Van Riper, and others emphasize and lays the necessary groundwork toward providing the intellectual and institutional structure {e.g., MCU) to support an enduring emphasis on teaching thinking and judgment. However, implicit in both Whitehead and Gray’s philosophies is the difficulty in measuring educational advancements and benefits as well as their concern that attempts to do so only serve to suffocate thinking. Unfortunately, the tendency of large organizations, including those that house PME, is to evolve in ways that suppress individual creativity, thinking, and other “disruptive” forces even though they are the very foundation for strategic and critical thinking. Thus, senior leaders of PME institutions and military organizations must always seek to counter the forces stifling thinking, including internal politics and processes that seem designed mostly never to change.

Furthermore, even the best designed institutional educational structures can only do so much if the students or Marines are not inspired with a curiosity to explore, discover, think, and learn. The philosophies of Gray and Whitehead thus underscore creating a “culture of curiosity” as the first mover to improving education, as well as the centrality of leadership and mentorship to learning and thinking. While a wider perspective will probably shed some light on how the architectures of larger organizational structures might need to be reformed in order to support, not stifle, the education of strategists and thinkers, first developing certain attitudes {rather than functional knowledge and content) and ways of thinking in our Marines can prove to be an integrating force in the development of future strategic leaders. Thankfully, the Marine Corps has a rich history of empowering lower-level leaders with mission-type orders that it can leverage to further embrace and enhance education and ward off the calcification and status quo (and other) biases inherent in large organizations.

Notes

1. We are grateful to Andrew Marshall, Gen Alfred M. Gray, Jr., USMC(Ret), Col G.I. Wilson, USMCR(Ret), and MajGen William Mullen for comments on a previous version and discussions on the topic. Any remaining errors were produced without help.

2. Headquarters Marine Corps, FMFM 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1989).

3. Richard H. Voigt, “Comments on Maneuver Warfare,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantico, VA: March 1982).

4. Ibid.

5. Al Gray and Paul Otte, The Conflicted Leader and Vantage Leadership, (Columbus, OH: Franklin University Press, 2006). Gray and Otte discuss how the knowledge age, or knowledge revolution, moved us from emphasizing managers to emphasizing leaders. The Judgment Age extends the focus on uncertainty and leadership and places a key emphasis on the important role of judgment, an art very difficult to teach yet critical to emphasize in PME.

6. Additionally, while critical thinking is an important educational tool and the processes in critical thinking can be important knowledge tools to help de-bias ones thinking and make it more logical, “thinking critically” is not “just” critical thinking, which oftentimes devolves into a check list. Structured analytic techniques which rose in prominence following the intelligence community’s failures vis-a-vis the attacks on 9/11 and the case of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, are examples of this mentality. A good discussion of the difference between critical thinking approached as analysis and the kind of critical thinking that is essential to PME can be found ín Paul K. Van Riper, “The Identification and Education of U.S. Army Strategic Thinkers,” in Exploring Strategic Thinking: Insights to Assess, Develop, and Retain Army Strategic Thinkers, (Fort Belvoir, VA: U.S. Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences, 2011).

7. Robert H. Scales, Jr., and Paul K. Van Riper, “Preparing for War in the 21st Century,” in Future of Warfare Anthology, revised edition, edited by Robert H. Scales, Jr., (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2000).

8. Daniel Kahneman, for example, divides thinking into two systems: System 1 and System 2. System 1 “operates automatically and quickly, with little or no effort and no sense of voluntary control” and is prone to making systematic errors in specified circumstances. In contrast, System 2 is more often associated with concentration and allocating attention to the “effortful mental activities that demand it, including complex computations.” While System 1 runs automatically, System 2 is typically “lazy” and sometimes fails to override mistakes made by System 1. Such errors are known as biases. Kahneman’s heuristics and biases approach prefers formal models or rules. See Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Past and Slow, (New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2011). Another relevant reference here is Gary Klein, one of the developers of the naturalistic decisionmaking approach. Those from the naturalistic decision-making line of research are skeptical about imposing universal rules and structures on judgments in complex environments. Klein conducted field work to study decision making by experts, who make decisions based on a twostage process involving intuitive recognition of what response is required, followed by mental simulation evaluating whether the response is valid. Gary Klein, Sources of Power: How People Make Decisions, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999). Kahneman and Klein explore the differences between their two approaches in Daniel Kahneman and Gary Klein, “Conditions for Intuitive Expertise: A Failure to Disagree,” American Psychologist, (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, September 2009). The authors also provide suggestions for improving the quality of judgments and choices.

9. Gen Gray and Dr. Paul Otte also capture important elements of the larger environment and the importance of judgment.

10. As Simon noted, all the information in the world will not solve the problem of limited rationality and complex interdependencies: ” [T] he dream of thinking everything out before we act, of making certain we have all the facts and know all the consequences, is a sick Hamlet’s dream. It is a dream of someone with no appreciation of the seamless web of causation, the limits of human thinking, or the scarcity of human attention.” Herbert A. Simon, Models of Bounded Rationality, Vol. 2, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982). Simon’s lifelong passion for an empirically driven and realistic conception of decision making speaks both to the real nature of limited rationality and complex decision making and to the inclination of scholars, especially economists, to reduce reality to what their models can capture. Much of Simon’s emphasis is consistent with the spirit ofVan Riper and FMFM 1.

11. Charles Hitch writes, “Uncertainties make life difficult for the systems analyst, but this is so because the problem of intelligent behavior under uncertainty is really hard.” See Charles Hitch, “An Appreciation of Systems Analysis,” Journal of the Operations Research Society of America, (Cantonsville, MD: INFORMS, November 1955).

12. Van Riper mentions what can go {really) wrong when we apply models designed for systems analysis to the domain of imperfect rationality and conflict, recalling Secretary Robert McNamara’s introduction of systems analysis to the battlefield. In linking his reflections on the more recent MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE Exercise to the lessons not learned from Vietnam, Van Riper observed,

What I saw in this particular exercise and the results from it were very similar to what I saw as a young second lieutenant back in the 1960s, when we were taught the systems engineering techniques that Mr. [Robert] McNamara [Secretary of Defense under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson] had implemented in the American military. We took those systems, which had good if not great utility in the acquisition of weapon systems, to the battlefield, where they were totally inappropriate. The computers in Saigon said we were winning the war, while out there in the rice paddies we knew d… well we weren’t winning the war. Uncertainties make life difficult for the systems analyst, but this is so because the problem of intelligent behavior under uncertainty is really hard.,

See “The Immutable Nature of War,” Public Broadcasting Service, (Online: April 2004), available at https://www.pbs.org).

13. “The Immutable Nature of War.”

14. Alfred North Whitehead, The Aims of Education, (New York, NY: Free Press, 1967). Our inclusion of Whitehead here is no coincidence; he was an important figure in the early development of certain approaches to learning (along with William James and others) that emphasize interdisciplinary and holistic problem-solving and teaching “how” to think, not what to think. This emphasis is very consistent with Gen Gray’s vision for Marine Corps PME and learning. Thus, future elaborations of Gray’s vision and the development of educational documents in line with FMFM 1 might find inspiration from studying and applying Whitehead’s ideas, too.

15. Gen Alfred M. Gray, Book on Books, (Quantico, VA: Marine Corps University), Alfred M. Gray Collection, Box List Part 2, Box 5, Folder 9, BGen Edwin H. Simmons Center for Marine Corps History, Quantíco, VA. The quote is from Section 1, which was authored by Col Mike “Wyly.

16. FMFM 1, Warfighting.

17. Book on Books.

18. Describing the tacit knowledge acquired through reading that enhances military judgment, Wyly writes,

A Marine who knows one battle well knows more about his profession than one who has read a hundred manuals. He may not be able to define what he knows, or divide the battle into phases, or tell you where the line of departure was, or who manufactured the aircraft or what kind of alloys were in the metal ofthe machines. He may still need to read some manuals. But he has gained a sensing of what the batde was about. And he needs this sensing.,

See Book on Books.

19. Míe Augier and James G. March, The Roots, Rituals, and Rhetorics ofChange: North American Business Schools After the Second World War, (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011), for a description of the case method’s law school origins and its spreading to and among North American business schools.

20. Kenneth Andrews, The Case Method of Teaching Human Relations and Administration, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1951).

21. The Roots, Rituals, and Rhetorics of Change.

22. Gray wrote,

My intent in PME is to teach military judgment rather than knowledge. Knowledge is of course important for developing judgment, but should be taught in the context of teaching military judgment, not as material to be memorized … The focus of effort [of PME] should be teaching through doing, through casestudies, historical and present-day, real and hypothetical, presented in war-games, map exercises, and table exercises, free-play, force-on-force ‘three day wars’ and the like. … As education progresses … the material should grow more complex, but the essence should remain the same: teach officers and NCO’s how to win in combat by outthinking as well as out-fighting their opponents.

Commandant ofthe Marine Corps to CG, Marine Corps Combat Development Command, “Training and Education,” October 1988, located in the Alfred M. Gray Collection, Box List Part 2, Box 6, Folder 12, BGen Edwin H. Simmons Center for Marine Corps History, Quantíco, VA.

23. Fideleon Damian II, “The Road to FMFM 1: The United States Marine Corps and Maneuver Warfare Doctrine, 1979-1989,” (Master’s thesis, Kansas State University, 2008).

24. “The Road to FMFM 1.” Wyly developed an instructional program to teach maneuver warfare, which he later published as an appendix to Bill Lind’s Maneuver Warfare Handbook. Each lesson consisted of a historical background of the concept being taught as well as a scenario providing a practical application exercise regarding the application ofthe concept. A copy of the handbook can be found in the Alfred M. Gray Collection, Box List Part 2, Box 50, Folder 5- Wyly also developed a reading list for his students which developed into what would become the Commandant’s Reading List.

25. Ibid.

26. Gray notes that the current evaluation process relying on lesson plans, Enabling Learning Objective and Terminal Learning Objective “is inappropriate for education, although it may have use for training in techniques. A new evaluation process must be devised that recognizes the inherent impossibility of ‘objectively’ or quantitatively measuring and art.” Commandant of the Marine Corps to CG, Marine Corps Combat Development Command, “Training and Education,” October 1988.

27. Book on Books.

28.Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid.

31. The Aims of Education.

32. Ibid.

33. Book on Books.

34. Summaries of its intent can be found at Thomas B. Modly, “Memorandum for Distribution: Department of the Navy Education for Seapower (E4S) Study,” (Washington: DC, April 2018) and Ben Werner, “Focus on Critical Thinking is Key in New Navy Education Study,” USNI News, (Annapolis, MD: August 2018).

A New Conception of War

reviewed by Maj Skip CrawleY, USMC(Ret)

A New Conception of War A NEW CONCEPTION OF WAR: John Boyd, the U.S. Marines, and Maneuver Warfare. By Maj Ian T. Brown. Quantico, VA: Marine Corps University, 2018. ISBN: 9780997317497.357 pp.

After years of fighting a seemingly endless war, the new challenge is to refocus on fighting peer competitors again after over a decade of counterinsurgency operations. Having spent billions on fighting the endless war, our equipment is worn out and in need of modernization while peer adversaries used the time to modernize. Dollars for defense are tight. Finally, individuals outside the Marine Corps believe “that technological progress by future adversaries has made amphibious assaults too hazardous.”1 Is this the present day Marine Corps? No. This is the 1970s Marine Corps> post-Vietnam.

A New Conception of War: John Boyd, The U.S. Marines, and Maneuver Warfare by Maj Ian T. Brown is the story of how:

The Marine Corps, bereft of numbers and weapons and struggling with the consequences of misunderstanding its adversary in Vietnam, found itself drawn to Boyd’s ideas. In them, the Marines saw answers to the problem of what the Marine Corps was to do with itself [post-Vietnam] and how it was to do it… [t]hey took and injected Boyd’s ideas-or what they understood to be his ideas-into the larger debate of how maneuver might serve the future Corps better than simply buying a new tank or adopting a different NATO mission.

Maj Brown’s A New Conception of War is partially a biography of Col John R. Boyd, USAF(Ret), which tells the story of Col Boyd’s years of study and observation that led to his view of warfare ultimately culminating in his “Patterns of Conflict” presentation. The book also illustrates how Boyd’s ideas on warfare were instrumental in assisting the Marine Corps refigure itself in the post-Vietnam era by helping to answer the question: “Where do we go from here?” Lastly, this is the story of the ultimately successful struggle to adopt maneuver warfare as the official doctrine of the Marine Corps and the publication of FMFM 1, Warfighting in 1989.2

Fighter Pilot, Military Theoretician, Iconoclast

Boyd’s philosophy was “to be or to do.” He once told a young Air Force captain:

One day you will come to a fork in the road. And you’re going to have to make a decision about which direction you want to go. If you go that way[,] you can be somebody… you will be a member of the club and you will get promoted and you will get good assignments.

Boyd counseled that the other fork in the road was harder and lonelier, but if offered a chance for true accomplishment: “You can do something- something for your country and for your Air Force.”

Boyd’s entire Air Force career and post-Air Force career was driven by “the determination to produce” accomplishments that mattered. As an instructor in Fighter Weapons School in Nellis AFB, NV, Boyd “wrote the first manual on jet aerial combat”3 and became known as “40-second Boyd:” Accordingly, throughout Boyd’s career:

He made a standing bet that he would meet any pilot over a preselected patch of ground, get on his tail for a kill within 40 seconds of the engagement commencing, or pay the victor $40. No pilot ever collected on that bet ý

One of Boyd’s “accomplishments” was his development of the wellknown observation-orientation-decision-action (OODA) loop; an important tenet of maneuver warfare. Most Marines-including myself-thought Boyd’s OODA Loop “was a derivative of aerial dogfighting” based upon his experiences as an F-86 Sabre pilot in the Korean War. Instead, “Boyd was clear that the loop’s genesis came from work and anomalies associated with [the] evolution and flight tests of [the] YF 16/17.”

Acknowledging that this simplifies a complex issue, Boyd learned during the mid-1970s Lightweight Fighter Program fly-off between the YF-16 and the YF-17 (precursor to the F/A18) that the top speed of a fighter visa-vis its adversary is less important than its ability to “shed and regain energy far more quickly” against an adversary. Consequently:

Boyd labeled these traits fast transient maneuvers, and he found that they granted the YF-16 pilots’ quicker responsiveness and a faster operating tempo, repeatedly generating favorable mismatches against the less responsive YF-17- The notion of mismatches contributing to one’s success and survival-of using agility and tempo to overwhelm an adversary’s perceptions and reactions, thus causing his perceived reality to diverge from actually reality-stuck with Boyd.

Utilizing the OODA Loop and other concepts, Boyd developed his “Patterns of Conflict” presentation summing up everything he had learned about war-just in time for the Marine Corps to make use of it.

Boyd s Influence on the Marine Corps

Post-Vietnam, the Marine Corps had an enormous problem: how does a traditionally naval-oriented, medium-weight force remain viable in the new operational environment of massed Soviet and Warsaw Pact armored and mechanized armies? The Marine Corps was getting a lot of outside advice, including the infamous Brookings Institution’s, Where Does the Marine Corps Go from HereN But wise people, both inside and outside the išdarine Corps, felt that debating whether to mechanize or lighten the Marine Corps or assuming the NATO Northern Flank mission missed the point; what was needed was a new warfighting construct.

Boyd’s “Pattern of Conflict” provided “the conceptual framework” that eventually lead to the adoption of the maneuver warfare doctrine by the Marine Corps.

Maneuver Warfare-The Answer and the Struggle to Adopt It

I found the last chapter of Maj Brown’s book, tracing the debate about maneuver warfare from its inception to being adopted as official doctrine, the most interesting. As Brown explains, four individuals were responsible for the successful adoption of maneuver warfare as the official doctrine of the Marine Corps: William S. Lind, Col Michael D. Wyly, Gen Alfred M. Gray, and Capt John Schmitt.

Lind was “the promoter;” the “outsider” whose “widespread public access and sheer enthusiasm” and “ability to connect key people to each other, combined with the force of his enthusiasm for Boyd’s work, extended Boyd’s reach to new and wider audiences.” Though, as is well-known, Lind was also persona non grata to many in the Marine Corps.

Col Wyly was “the teacher.” A rifle company commander in Vietnam, he was “frustrated by stale tactics and doctrine,” and had a strong “desire to preserve the lives of his men by finding less wasteful ways of fighting.” Wyly spent much of his career as a field grade officer trying to update tactics instruction until he was chosen by Gen Gray to be the Vice President of the newly established Marine Corps University, an assignment for which he was “perfectly suited.”6

Gen Gray was “the doer.” As is well-known, Gen Gray adopted maneuver warfare in the 2d Marine Division and encouraged officers of all ranks to study and discuss maneuver warfare. Appointed Commandant in

1988, Gen Gray “used his authority to make the maneuver philosophy based on Boyd the cornerstone of Marine Corps combat doctrine.”

Capt Schmitt was “the writer.” As a junior officer, Schmitt “found maneuver warfare, with its emphasis on lower-level initiative, empowering” and “became one of maneuver warfare‘s true believers.” Gen Gray give Schmitt “free reign” as to what to write:

You have to satisfy me and nobody else. You don’t answer to anybody except me. If anybody tries to unduly influence what you’re saying or you’re writing, you tell me about it and I’ll take care of it.

Consequently, “Schmitt was free to talk with whomever he wanted and used the ideas of any theorist he desired … he consulted with Lind, Wyly, and others.” Five months later, Schmitt “presented his completed draft to Gen Gray for comment. Gray read it and, as a testament to how well he believed Schmitt had captured his intent, made only two changes in the whole document.”

With the publication of Warfighting, maneuver warfare was now the official doctrine of the Marine Corps.7

Conclusion

Just as “Patterns of Conflict” arrived at the right time to assist the Marine Corps in the process of adopting maneuver warfare, A New Conception of War comes at an auspicious time for the Marine Corps as it struggles with understanding where to best position itself in the current operating environment refocusing on peer warfare. While reading A New Conception of War, I came across five different articles from various media sources providing advice on how the Marine Corps should go forward. While some of the material in the articles is redundant, referencing and quoting each other, the articles collectively illustrate that the Marine Corps is currently facing an “identity crisis.”8 Sir, Who Am 1? An Open Letter to the Incoming Commandant of the Marine Corps by Maj Leo Spaeder, a MAGTF planner, poses the “existential question” of what is the identity of the Marine Corps and the necessity for a “big idea organizing principle.”9 Maj Mark Nostro, also a MAGTF planner, suggests that the Marine Corps “must look to the future to evolve into a force that is reflective of its naval purpose.”10 A Proceedings article, coauthored by highly regarded LtCol Frank G. Hoffman, USMCR(Ret), explains why “amphibious power projection remains viable” and that “[t]he tactical value of the Marine Corps’ forcible-entry capability has not expired.11 A Washington Post article with the self-explanatory title, “Marine Corps Suffers Identity Crisis in Age of Cyberwarfare, Artificial Intelligence”12 and Russell’s Century-Old Plea for the Marine Corps, Updated for 2019 by Maj Brian Kerg support these articles. Maj Kerg “[i]mplore[s] all the stakeholders in the future of the Marine Corps to do their due diligence in providing our senior leadership with meaningful recommendations on how the Marine Corps should determine its purpose, character, and mission.”13

Earlier, I stated A New Conception of War is partly the story of how the Marine Corps adopted maneuver warfare as its doctrine. As important as that narrative is, the greatest benefit of reading A New Conception of War is the story of how the Marine Corps, facing a post-Vietnam operational environment with seemingly insurmountable problems, successfully overcame them. A New Conception of War provides confidence to present day Marines that we can successfully meet the challenges of the present operating environment, just as Marines in the past have done.

After reading A New Conception of War, I read both Boyd: The Fighter Pilot Who Changed the Art of War by Robert Coram,14 and The Mind of War: John Boyd and American Security by Grant T. Hammond.^ Boyd was previously on the Commandant’s Professional Reading List (CPRL) until replaced in 2017 by The Mind of War. I agree that a book about Boyd’s development of his warfighting theories and their impact on the Marine Corps is worthy of inclusion on the CPRL, but highly recommend Maj Brown’s A New Conception of War be that book. Maj Brown provides a coherent overview of Boyd’s career (as do the other books), while also dictating a broader narrative concerning Boyd’s influence on the Marine Corps’ maneuver warfare debate, and the story of how maneuver warfare was adopted as the official doctrine of the Marine Corps via the efforts of some key individuals.

A New Conception of War is strongly recommended for anyone desiring an in-depth understanding of how maneuver warfare was adopted by the Marine Corps, and for those Marines currently struggling with ascertaining the best path forward for the Marine Corps today.

Notes

1. Frank G. Hoffman and. George P. Garrett, “Amphibious Assault Will Remain a ‘Core’ Competency,” Proceedings, (Annapolis, MD: U.S. Naval Institute, March 2019).

2. Renamed MCDP 1 in 1997.

3. Grant Hammond, The Mind of War: John Boyd and American Security, (New York, NY: Smithsonian Institution, 2012).

4. For all the times I have read Boyd described as a “former Air Force fighter pilot,” he “only accumulated 29 missions and44 combat flight hours before the signing of the [Korean] Armistice.” Boyd did not fly combat in Vietnam, possibly because by that time, “his career to this point was largely defined by solving scientific problems.”

5. This study suggested several ideas including mechanizing the Marine Corps to fight on NATO’s Central Front or go the opposite direction and change the Marine Corps to a light infantry force, transferring Army airborne, air assault and special operations units to the Marine Corps.

6. Boyd.

7. In a 1993 Gazette article, Wyly explicitly stated: “Had there been no … Lind or John Boyd, we would have continued our fight for a new style of fighting anyway.” Boyd’s contributions were instrumental, but he was not the central figure in the process of getting maneuver warfare adopted as doctrine.

8. Carlo Munoz, “Marine Corps Suffers Identity Crisis in Age of Cyber warfare, Artificial Intelligence,” The Washington Times, (Washington, DC: April 2019).

9. Leo Spaeder, “Sir, Who Am I? An Open Letter to the Incoming Commandant of the Marine Corps,” War on the Rocks, (Online: March 2019).

10. Mark Nostro, “Discarding the Ptolemaic Model of the Marine Corps,” War on the Rocks, (Online: April2019)11.

“Amphibious Assault Will Remain a ‘Core’ Competency.”

12. “Marine Corps Suffers Identity Crisis in Age of Cyberwarfare, Artificial Intelligence.”

13. Brian Kerg, “Russell’s Century-Old Plea for the Marine Corps,” War on the Rocks, (Online: April 2019).

14.1 found Coram’s Boyd to be an informative, yet fawning, narrative of Boyd’s life and career that does little, if anything, to explain Boyd’s part in adopting maneuver warfare as the Marine Corps’ official doctrine that Brown’s book fails to cover any better.

15. The Mind of War. I agree with Maj Brown’s assessment that “The Mind of War has … [a] better focus on Boyd’s professional career, but … it only briefly assess Boyd’s impact on the Marine Corps.” “Briefly” is an understatement.

Intellectual Renaissance

by Maj Austin M Duncan

In the wake of a long and bloody conflict in Vietnam, the U.S. Armed Forces faced the daunting task of reflecting on what went wrong and how to reorganize for future wars. Every service transformed from their experiences in Vietnam; however, none were as significant as the United States Marine Corps’ intellectual renaissance, culminating with the adoption of a new warfighting philosophy. Though many organizational artifacts remain, over thirty years later, the transformation of the Marine Corps during the 70s and 80s is an unheralded part of our history. During the Marine Corps’ intellectual renaissance, the Service increased education standards for potential recruits, birthed a new philosophy of warfighting, professionalized the force through education, and institutionalized maneuver warfare. We must continue to build on that legacy today.

Social, Political, and Economic Context

Following Vietnam, service members returned from fighting elusive adversaries in the jungle to arguably an even more significant fight at home. The United States experienced significant strife, tearing at the very social fabric of the nation. Racial tensions and drug abuse were rampant, affecting every sect of society.2 The situation was even more magnified in the military. In 1971, Col Robert Heil wrote in the Armed Forces Journal:

Historical precedents do not exist for some of the services’ problems, such as desertion, mutiny, unpopularity, seditious attacks, and racial troubles. Others, such as drugs, pose difficulties that are wholly NEW. Nowhere, however, in the history of the Armed Forces have comparable past troubles presented themselves in such general magnitude, acuteness, or concentrated focus as today. ^

In addition to monumental discipline and morale issues, the military faced an evolving political landscape. In 1973, President Richard M. Nixon ended the draft and the U.S. shifted to an All-Volunteer Force (AVF), emphasizing the importance of quality recruitment.^ Mounting casualties at the end of Vietnam and the Watergate scandal altered American’s faith in government leaders and discredited the military for years to come.5 In terms of foreign policy, “Vietnam Syndrome” took root, leaving America reluctant to commit troops unless absolutely necessary-another significant blow to the military brand.6 Economically, the Vietnam War severely damaged the U.S. economy, spiking inflation and interest rates, spurring an economic recession.7 In sum, despite a significant impetus for change following the U.S.’s “unprecedented and unrepeated defeat and humiliation” in Vietnam, the Armed Forces faced considerable headwinds.8 A historical social divide, cancerous discipline issues, changing political landscape, and the prospect of economic austerity prefaced any attempt at reform.

Out of all the Services, discipline and morale concerns were even more exaggerated in the Marine Corps. In the 1973 General Officer Symposium, the Commandant of the Marine Corps, Gen Robert Cushman, acknowledged the Marine Corps had the highest absentee and deserter rate of all Services. Ironically, he also bragged about the health of recruiting, noting each district made quota in 1973 for the first time since 196710 Initially, the Marine Corps was optimistic it could recruit an AVF in a fiscally austere environment while also addressing discipline concerns; however, by 1975 it was clear there was a problem: “the Marine Corps had the worst rates of imprisonment, unauthorized absence, and courts-martial in the armed forces.”11 The Corps needed significant reform.

Wilson-Barrow Reforms: Increasing the Education and Quality of Recruits

In the summer of 1975, Gen Louis H. Wilson became Commandant. Facing intimidating obstacles, Gen Wilson devised a plan to navigate the AVF era and address the poor discipline throughout the Corps. While the Army was loosening standards to meet recruiting goals, the Marine Corps chose to do the exact opposite.12 With high school graduates accounting for less than 50 percent of recruits, Gen Wilson stated the new goal was “three out of four Marines have high school diplomas when they come in, and the remainder have completed tenth grade or higher.”13 Additionally, he oversaw a significant reboot of the entire recruiting system, to include establishing a chain of accountability “from the individual recruiter to the depot commander,” and implementing a recruiting management course to improve efficiencies at recruiting stations around the country.14

In 1979, Gen Wilson’s tenure as Commandant ended, and he handed over the reins to his protege, Gen Robert H. Barrow to oversee the remainder of the manpower reform. By the time Gen Barrow changed command in 1983, 82 percent of recruits were high school graduates.13 Because of an increased emphasis on education and improved accountability of recruiting, the Marine Corps experienced a dramatic reduction in discipline issues while also increasing the quality and elitism of the force.16

Seeking a New Philosophy of Warfare

With manpower reforms underway, another group of professionals intellectually sparred over the warfare philosophy guiding the Service. Coming on the heels of defeat in Vietnam, many veterans of the Corps questioned their “received wisdom” of doctrine and training.17 Whereas firepower and attrition previously dominated military thought, some Marines questioned if the Marine Corps, a numerically inferior and inherently seaborne force, should focus on maneuver. In 1978, a young Marine captain astutely summarized the state of the Corps in the Marine Corps Gazette: “In recent years, while the Marine Corps’ existence is being questioned from without, many of its members are experiencing an identity crisis of their own.”18

The heart of the identity crisis stemmed from the prospect of war on the Eastern front against a massive and highly capable Soviet military. In a renowned 1976 Brookings Institution report, the authors questioned the Marine Corps ability to fight alongside NATO in Central Europe, suggesting the Corps should reorganize as a land force to fight together with the Army.19 However, doing so threatened to alter the defining character of the Marine Corps as an amphibious force, a sacrosanct consideration for a force plagued by the perpetual organizational paranoia of its looming demise.20

In 1979, the Marine Corps Gazette featured a two-part series by Capt Steven W. Miller arguing that

maneuver doctrine can propel the Marine Corps into the 21st Century where it will again, as in World War II, provide the leadership to this revolution in warfare.21

Though his articles marked the start of the official Marine Corps debate, Capt Miller appropriately noted the origins of maneuver doctrine trace back to Genghis Khan and the more recent unpublished works of Col John Boyd, USAF, (Ret) ,22 Maneuver warfare was nothing new, but a debate emerged within the Corps, spurring a clash of “maneuverists” versus “attritionists.”23

Between 1979 and 1993, the Marine Corps Gazette published more than 50 articles concerning the debate on warfighting.24 Though there was no shortage of opinions on the matter, the intellectual giants of the time were Col John Boyd, LtCol Michael Wyly, and William Lind. As Robert Coram later summarized, “Boyd’s ideas were the foundation and impetus for changes, but Wyly, as an active-duty Marine Corps officer [head of tactics at the Amphibious Warfare School], was the agent of change.”23 Additionally, William Lind heavily advocated for maneuver doctrine, often hosting study groups in Quantico with anyone who would listen while also writing prolifically in the Marine Corps Gazette and later penning the Maneuver Warfare Handbook.26

The maneuver theorists had a tremendous impact, ultimately informing a new philosophy of warfare. Opposed to the firepower-attrition doctrine prescribed in Army field manuals, which intended to defeat the enemy in the physical domain, maneuver doctrine sought to disrupt and disorganize the enemy psychologically.27 The new style of warfare stressed mission-type orders, decentralized operations, creative thinking, and opportunistic initiative.28 Most importantly, it offered the Marine Corps a way to remain uniquely amphibious while shedding the baggage of defeat in Vietnam. As such, the Corps birthed a new war fighting philosophy: maneuver warfare.

Professionalizing the Force

With the seeds of maneuver warfare taking hold at the grassroots level, the Corps needed a champion to professionalize the force and institutionalize the new philosophy. During Gen Alfred M. Gray’s 1987 confirmation hearing to be the 29th Commandant, he stated a priority goal was improving the “understanding of the art, as well as the science of war.”2’1 He made quick work realizing that goal. On his second day in office, he ordered the creation of Marine Corps University, an organization to synchronize the disparate education commands under one roof with a common vision.30 He also demanded each school be accredited and yield degrees for their students, an enormous undertaking which was not realized until the mid-1990s.31 Furthermore, Gen Gray, with the help of LtGen Paul K. Van Riper, implemented a professional reading program organized by grade.32 The education reforms during the late-19 8 Os cannot be understated. Not only did Gen Gray accelerate professionalism throughout the force, many elements of his education reform remain intact today-a true testimony to their impact.

Though Gen Gray’s acute focus on education was remarkable in its own right, his legacy stems from the publication of the Marine Corp capstone document: FMFM 1, Warfighting. Enlisting a small group of deep thinkers, including Col Boyd and Capt John F. Schmitt, Gen Gray turned years of maneuver warfare debates into the guiding philosophy of the Corps. FMFM 1, now known as the MCDP l, crystallized maneuver warfare as “the Marine Corps concept for winning.”33 After nearly two decades of debate following the embarrassment of Vietnam, the Corps institutionalized maneuver warfare as their new philosophy of warfighting, and the credit belongs to Gen AI Gray.

Conclusion

Post-Vietnam reform redefined the Marine Corps. On the battlefield, adversaries threatened to defeat an outmoded war fighting philosophy; at home, skyrocketing discipline issues threatened to destroy the Corps from the inside out. To preserve the legacy, the Marine Corps recruited “the few, the proud,” deliberated a new warfighting philosophy, and professionalized the force through education.3^ The dramatic post-Vietnam transformation culminated with the publication of Warfighting, marking the institutional adoption of maneuver warfare and punctuating the Marine Corps’ intellectual renaissance. As Gen William Bowers wisely noted, the Corps was able to achieve an intellectual renaissance because

in the late 1980s the ranks were then filled with tough smart, elite, physically fit, ethical warriors who graduated from high school, scored well on their enlistment tests, were completely drug free, and were capable of understanding the more sophisticated operational and tactical concepts called for by maneuver warfare.33

Today, there is no shortage of spirited debates and admissions of shortfalls within our service. But these are not only the opinions of young authors filling the pages of our Marine Corps Gazette and other professional outlets. The National Defense Strategy and Marine Corps Operating Concept openly acknowledge we are in the midst of “a period of strategy atrophy” and “currently not organized, trained, or equipped to meet the demands.”36 Following two decades of land war, our Corps is once again struggling to define its identity and rectify known deficiencies-not all that much different from the postVietnam identity crisis. Much like the Marine Corps intellectual renaissance of the 70s and 80s, we must invest in the intellect of our youth and champion their ideas if we are to inspire the next generation of our Corps. America’s youth continues to demonstrate they will clear the bar; it is on us to keep raising it.

Notes

1. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1: Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1997).

2. The White House Historical Association, “Racial Tension in the 1970s,” WhiteHouseHistory.org, (Online); Tim Stoddart, “Drug Addition Through the Decades-Focus: 70’s,” Sober Nation, (Online: July 2013).

3. Col Robert D. Heinl, Jr., “The Collapse of the Armed Forces,” Armed Forces Journal, (Washington, DC: June 1971).

4. Bernard Rostker, The Evolution of the AllVolunteer Force, (Washington, DC: RAND Corporation, 2006).

5. “Watergate Scandal,” History.com, (Online: 2009); Alan Rohn, “How Did the Vietnam War Affect America?,” Vietnam War, (Online: April 2016).

6. Geoff Simons, The Vietnam Syndrome: Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy, (London, UK: MacMillan Press, 1998).

7 “How Did the Vietnam War Affect America?”

8. The Vietnam Syndrome: Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy.

9. Gen Robert E. Cushman, Jr., “Corps Operations Facing Austerity,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco, VA: August 1973).

10. Ibid.

11. Allan R. Millett, Semper Fidelis: The History of the United States Marine Corps, (New York, NY: The Free Press, 1991).

12. Col William J. Bowers, “Making Marines in the All-Volunteer Era,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco, VA: November, 2014).

13. Gen Louis H. Wilson, “New Directions,” (presentation, Council of the Navy League, Washington, DC, September 1975).

14. LtCol Joseph D. Riech and Maj Gary Kozlusky, “The New Recruiting Command and the Story of Marine Corps Recruiting,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco VA: August 1994).

15. Douglas Martin, “Robert Barrow, A Marine Corps Reformer Who Became Commandant, Dies at 86,” The New York Times, (New York, NY: The New York Times, October 2008).

16. “Making Marines in the All-Volunteer Era.”

17. LtGen Paul K. Van Riper, USMC(Ret), “Warfighting Discussion Panel.” Youtube video, 1:23:29, (Online: February 2015).

18. Capt Stephen W. Miller, “Marine: A Question of Identity,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantico, VA: January 1978).

19. Martín Binkinandjeffrey Record, Where Does the Marine Corps Go from Here?, (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1976).

20. Terry Terriff, “Innovate or Die: Organizational Culture and the Origins of Maneuver Warfare in the United States Marine Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies, (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2006 ); LtGen Victor H. Krulak USMC(Ret), First to Fight: An Inside View of the U.S. Marine Corps, (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1984).

21. Steven W. Miller, “Winning Through Maneuver: Conclusion-Counter the Defense,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco, VA: December 1979).

22. Ibid.

23. MAGTF Instructional Group, “QPME: Warfighting: History of the MCDP, Roots of Maneuver Warfare, and the Doctrine in Action,” Gray Research Center, (Quantíco VA: February 2018).

24. Maj Kenneth F McKenzie, Jr., “On the Verge of a New Era: The Marine Corps and Maneuver Warfare,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco VA: July 1993).

25. Robert Coram, Boyd: The Fighter Pilot Who Changed the Art of War, (New York, NY: Back Bay Books, 2002).

26. William S. Lind, Maneuver Warfare Handbook, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985).

27. G.I. Wilson, Michael D. Wyly, William S. Lind, and B.E. Trainor, “The ‘Maneuver Warfare‘ Concept,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco VA: April 1981).

28. William S. Lind, “The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantíco VA: October 1989), “Making Marines in the All-Volunte er Era.”

29. United States Senate Committee on Armed Services, Hearings Before the Committee on Armed Services United States Senate One Hundredth Congress, (Washington, DC: 1987).

30. Gen Alfred M. Gray USMC(Ret), “Warfighting Discussion Panel,” (Quantíco, VA: 2015).

31. “Warfighting Discussion Panel.”

32. Ibid.

33. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: June 1997).

34. Jeff Schogol, “Marine Corps May Replace ‘The Few, The Proud’ as Its Recruiting Slogan,” Marine Corps Times, (Online: September 2016).

35. “Making Marines in the All-Volunteer Era.”

36. U.S. Department of Defense, Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America: Sharpening the American Military’s Competitive Advantage, (Washington, DC: 2018); Headquarters U.S. Marine Corps, Marine Corps Operating Concept: How and Expeditionary Force Operates in the 21st Century, (Washington, DC: Headquarters Marine Corps, September 2016).

Damn the Torpedoes

by Maj Jacob H. Wilde

In reading LtCol G. Stephen Lauers article “Damn the Torpedoes,” (MCG, Febl9) I struggled to understand how it was possible for a retired Marine infantry officer and current School of Advanced Military Studies professor to write an article supporting the basic tenets of attrition warfare. Such an article would have been completely at home in the Gazette during the mid-1980s with the debates surrounding the Marine Corps’ adoption of maneuver warfare doctrine, but that such antiquated thinking and assumptions about the character of war still exist in the mind of any military professional-to say nothing of one entrusted with the development of our future strategic thinkers-is both baffling and troubling.

LtCol Lauer states that the purpose of his article is to “demonstrate the extraordinary departure of the current Marine Corps Operating Concept from the traditional assumptions of amphibious operations.”1 Missing from this purpose is a recognition that in an ever-changing operational environment, military thinkers must continually question and reassess those traditional assumptions, and accept that they may no longer be valid. Throughout history, various developments periodically conspired to force a complete shift in the manner in which wars were fought. Whether one calls them “military revolutions,” “generations of war,” or some other label for classification, the fact remains that each brought a paradigm shift in the baseline assumptions and conceptualization of war. Those organizations willing and able to adapt to the new paradigm won and survived. Those unable or unwilling to adapt did not. The recognition that the character of war is in the midst of another paradigm shift is absolutely necessary if the United States is to retain its place in the world and succeed in its future engagements.

To defend his position, LtCol Lauer builds his argument on several indefensible assumptions. In the exposition of his first point, he argues that the British failed at Gallipoli because “the landing force lacked the land superiority to win decisively against numerically superior military forces of the Ottoman Empire.”2 A careful study of the failures at Gallipoli reveals that the relative lack of combat power was far from the decisive factor in the failed contest for Gallipoli. In fact, Lieutenant General Stop ford enjoyed a ten-to-one local numerical superiority for two full days at Suvla Bay.3 Had he attacked aggressively with the force he had, there is little question that he could have cut the peninsula in two and established a foothold to expand the lodgment ashore. Rather than an underwhelming force strength, it was weak and unimaginative leadership and a failure to press the attack inland that brought the Gallipoli campaign to its disastrous end.

The author derides the Ellis Group’s emphasis on expanding the concept of combined arms integration to include information and cyber warfare, calling it a

turn from decisive maneuver to a multi-domain and philosophical view of warfare that elevates the ephemeral over the tangible, the cognitive over the physical, disruption over destruction.^

Certainly, the author is aware that the Marine Corps’ foundational doctrine, MCDP 1, Warfighting, repeatedly refers to both itself and maneuver warfare as philosophies. Further, a significant number of notable military commanders and theorists have noted and extolled the relevance of the intangible arenas of war as being decisive. LtGen A. A. Vandegrift stated, “Positions are seldom lost because they have been destroyed, but almost invariably because the leader has decided in his own mind that the position cannot be heldV Similarly, Napoleon’s oft-quoted belief that “Moral is to the physical as three is to one,” further attests to the decisive nature of seeking victory in the moral and mental realms of human conflict-using every capability available-to destroy the enemy’s will to fight.

Regarding his assertion that the Marine Corps departed from a doctrine of air, sea, and land superiority and turned toward an emphasis on positional advantage to destroy or disrupt the enemy’s cohesion as late as 2014, indicates a complete ignorance of the development of the Marine Corps’ post-Vietnam doctrine.6 In his book, A New Conception of War, Maj Ian Brown explores the debates surrounding the adoption of maneuver warfare, which initially centered on how the Marine Corps could contribute to a NATO fight against the Soviet Union.7 In such a fight it was assumed that as an amphibious force, the Marine Corps would be outnumbered, out-gunned, and out-armored. The solution to this mismatch rested on a concept of mobility, maneuver, and high operating tempo in order to disrupt or destroy the enemy force’s ability to operate as a cohesive whole and enable its piecemeal destruction or incite its surrender. To suggest that this doctrinal concept did not emerge until 2014 is simply incorrect.

The idea that “the infantry is the Marine Corps” demonstrates an apparent misunderstanding of the true strength of the MAGTF and the fundamental purpose of combined arms integration.8 It further demonstrates a failure to recognize the changing character of war and that a more nuanced view of combined arms integration is absolutely necessary for success. Capabilities such as information, cyber, legal, and economic warfare can certainly be employed with significant effect to undermine or destroy an opponent’s center of gravity and erode his ability and will to fight. Nowhere in his article does the author address the possibility that the weapons and capabilities available to America’s near-peer opponents might prevent a landing force from even arriving at the operational area intact and retaining some modicum of surprise. The author’s conclusion that, “The Marine Corps has acquiesced into the sliding loss of its naval character and the irrelevance of any naval roots,” when the MOCclearly identifies the integration of the naval force as one of its five critical tasks is also baffling.9

Lastly, the author fails to clarify the conditions under which a massive amphibious operation might be employed as he describes. What strategic objective would it seek to accomplish? What use is a massed ground combat force against an enemy whose warfighting ethos is based in Sun Tzu and Mao Zedong-a lesson the U.S. failed to learn in Vietnam? Would the U.S. potentially seek the complete overthrow of a near-peer state, or is it more likely that the amphibious force might be used for more limited objectives, such as deterring or countering actions that threaten regional stability or the interests of the U.S. and regional partners? Without ties to strategic assumptions or objectives, such a concept exists solely for its own benefit-a product of what Chuck Spinney refers to as “incestuous ampliThe fi cation”-and is dangerously detached from reality.10

What LtCol Lauer essentially advocates is a return to the ‘”‘glory days” of World War II: The days when large forces of aggressive and disciplined Marines and Soldiers charged the beaches and wrestled terrain from the enemy by raw mass and firepower-and died by the thousands doing so. At a time when 71 percent of American youth are ineligible for military service of any kind, the prospect of wasting the lives of the narrow band of young people that are both willing and able to serve is unconscionable and self-defeating.11 Furthermore, the assumption of fighting on enemy soil far from home automatically limits the U.S.’ ability to introduce a numerically superior force ashore, particularly in an environment of contested sea and air control. The proliferation of sensors, unmanned vehicles, and other emerging technologies means that the U.S.’ reliance on the “few and exquisite” platforms required to support the author’s conception of amphibious war falls fíat against competitors arming themselves with “small, many, and smart” platforms that sidestep American strengths and exploit its vulnerabilities.12 Not only is the cost imposition upon the United States in such an engagement wholly unsupportable, but the unacceptable risk for which the author denigrates the MOC is significantly greater under his own operational conception.

Ultimately, the author builds his argument on an outdated conceptual framework and a set of assumptions about maritime operations that fails to recognize the changing character of war. It does not address the threats that emerging technologies and methods pose to American forces, capabilities, and interests. It further fails to recognize the capabilities that those same emerging technologies provide to U.S. forces as a means of exploiting maneuver and combined arms integration in new domains beyond the traditional land, sea, and air of the physical realm. This is dangerously regressive thinking. Drawing upon history is only valuable if the correct lessons are learned, and improvements at fighting the last war do nothing to improve the chances of victory on a wholly new and different battlefield.

Notes

1. G. Stephen Lauer, “Damn the Torpedoes: The Marine Operating Concept and the Failure of Decisive Maneuver from the Sea in the 21st Century,” Marine Corps Gazette, (Quantico, VA: February 2009).

2. Ibid.

3. Eliot A. Cohen and John Gooch, Military Misfortunes: The Anatomy of Failure in War, (New York, NY: Free Press, 1990).

4. “Damn the Torpedoes.”

5. Alexander A. Vandegrift, Battle Doctrine for Front Line Leaders, (Quantico, VA: U.S. Marine Corps Education Center, 1981).

6. “Damn the Torpedoes.”

7. Ian Brown, A New Conception of War, (Quantico, VA: Marine Corps University Press, 2018).

8. “Damn the Torpedoes.”

9. Ibid.

10. Franklin C. Spinney, Evolutionary Epistemology, (Online: December 2014), PowerPoint presentation, available at https://fasttransients, fi les .wor dp re ss .com.

11. Heather Maxey, Sandra Bishop-Josef, and Ben Goodman, Unhealthy and Unprepared: National Security Depends on Promoting Healthy Lifestyles from an Early Age, (Washington, DC: Council for a Strong America, October 2018).

12. T.X. Hammes, “The Future of Warfare: Small, Many, Smart vs. Few Sc Exquisite?,” War on the Rocks, (Online: July 2014).

Educating the Enlisted Marine

by GySgt Neil D. McCoy

Let’s Start with Some Questions. We invite you to try something today. Whether you are in the field or at the office, ask one of your subordinates, peers, or superiors this question, How well do we train our junior Marines? We determine that most answers will come back as “pretty well.” Now ask this: How well do we educate them? Before one attempts to answer this question, let us review the meaning of education. Military education is an integral part of tactics and the operational art. Education removes the need for simple checklists and “canned” solutions. It enables commanders to place constantly changing situations on and off the battlefield into the larger context of military history, theory, and behavior in combat. The ability to contextualize and think logically under the rigors of combat will lead to creative and innovative solutions to the problem. Knowing this, the answer to this question by many would most likely be “not that well.” We are convinced that, in this respect, we repeatedly fall short. How much longer are we willing to accept this?

With the current educational construct, enlisted Marines are only required to attend approximately 40 weeks of technical or “educational” schooling throughout a career of 20 years. If the Marine completes only one enlistment of four years, that number is reduced to twelve weeks if the Marine is promoted to sergeant and attends Sergeants Course. All-in-all, the maximum amount of schooling an enlisted Marine will receive from the Marine Corps in a period of twenty years equates to ten months. This does not even equal one tour at the Expeditionary Warfare School that officers attend. How then can we expect our enlisted Marines to be conversant in Marine Corps doctrine and maneuver warfare? How can we expect them to speak a common language (doctrinal language) throughout the Marine Corps if we do not spend the required or necessary time to debate and discuss it? Most PME schools give only an introduction to MCDP 1, Warfighting1 by reading and discussing chapter one of the first book. There are nine total doctrinal publications, and most Marines are not even aware of publications such as Planning, Logistics, Command and Control, and Intelligence.2 Again, I ask how can we expect Marines across all the MOS to speak on common ground during combat operations without having first discussed these documents? This article addresses how our current enlisted educational system both in the Operating Forces and the institutional system is in need of desperate improvement.

Before we attempt to answer these questions in new ways, let us first reflect on it from a historical perspective. We must revisit a time of significant transition in terms of war fighting doctrine, a time where these questions were dissected and discussed by some of the brightest minds the military has ever seen. At the end of the Vietnam War, a small group of mostly company grade officers identified the need to readdress how Marines think, fight, and win wars. Together with the help of a number of civilians, these officers created our waffighting philosophy and doctrine: maneuver warfare. During this time, some of the greatest work on the subject of maneuver warfare was being written, published, discussed, and debated. Examples of this include, The Maneuver Warfare Handbook, Patterns of Conflict, The Dynamics of Doctrine, the OODA Cycle, and FMFM 1, Warfighting.3 Maneuver warfare requires Marines at all levels to use their minds in pursuit of achieving their respective missions. The Marine Corps, unfortunately, has placed great importance on only educating officers. For instance, all officers spend six months at TBS. This is not their boot camp, (OCS is) this is six months of training and education. When done, they continue to their follow-on MOS school. Furthermore, it is time we change this, and it is not a matter of wanting to change: we must. For evidence we need only look at today’s highly complex challenges and ever-adapting enemies. Both Expeditionary Force 2D and the Squad Leaders Development Program agree with us on this point. Although the Squad Leaders Development Program is in its early stages, the Marine Corps has identified the need to spread this same construct to all MOSs. Imagine a platoon where not only the lieutenant, but all the unit leaders spoke the same language in regard to our warfighting philosophy, doctrine, techniques, and tactics. But how do we get there, and is it even possible?

We absolutely determine this is possible. We start by immersing our junior Marines in our warfighting philosophy. “Free maneuver has to become a way of life, a state of mind,” Gen Alfred M. Gray, our 29th Commandant, once said. A way of life or state of mind does not simply start after attending a month-long course. It must be present at the beginning of a Marines career and reinforced throughout. So we must begin at recruit training.

Start at the Start: A New Kind of Recruit Training

At boot camp, junior Marines should become highly familiar with the ideas presented in our doctrinal publications, particularly Warfighting, Tactics, and Marine Corps Operations2 Recruits do not necessarily need to read the MCDFs. They can instead go through the excellent MCI Warfighting Skills Program f which the Marine Corps used in the 1990s but has since {and inexplicably) abandoned. This introduction to our beliefs and theory of war will initiate the development of critical thought. The young recruit may not fully grasp the concept of the entire texts, but that is fine to begin with. Thoughts will begin to form. Conversations will take place. Debates will emerge. Senior drill instructors and series commanders can present simple decision-making exercises that draw out the core ideas of maneuver warfare and ethical values of the Marine Corps. This will allow the recruit the opportunity to speak his thoughts and facilitate a better understanding of the subjects. It will be the starting point to get the ideas into Marines, that these publications can guide us through our quest to become a more effective and efficient warfighting institution.

As the recruit graduates and earns the title, “Marine,” the School of Infantry (SOI) -whether it be the Infantry Training Battalion or Marine Combat Training-could set aside time for follow-on maneuver warfare-themed guided discussions and exercises. At this point, the Marine will now have a rudimentary understanding of the science and art of war, but an understanding nonetheless. The Marine will be able to take this understanding and put it to work immediately in their unit. To get here, we must allow recruits and SOI students to openly speak their minds. Instructors, in turn, must actively listen with appropriate verbal and nonverbal responses, giving proper feedback and acceptance, all while remaining nonjudgmental. Of course, the focus of SOI should remain on the technical skills and the science of war, but discussions of doctrine and maneuver should be actively pursued when the time allows.

The implementation of this education throughout the entire enlisted ranks in the Marine Corps, in any MOS, must be a priority. There are many reasons why infantry and noninfantry Marines should be well-versed in our doctrinal publications and maneuver warfare. Infantry alone cannot be successful in war without the assistance of supporting agencies such as fire support, aviation, and logistics. Focus of effort {Schwerpunkt), that is the understanding and implementation of, is essential in maneuver warfare. A commander must understand this to establish the unit that will achieve the decision in that phase of the battle and must apply all support necessary to do this. If all Marines understood this at generally the same level, ground commanders would be able to work more efficiently together to focus all combat power in accordance with commander s intent. This understanding will further increase the longevity of the support and supported relationship.

At this point, some readers may think that, while this sounds all well and good, we need Marines who practice instant and willing obedience to orders. We teach our junior enlisted Marines that such obedience is key to mission accomplishment. But, at what point does this idea become irrelevant or even dangerous? We argue that on today’s battlefield that such unthinking obedience can cause its own chaos, uncertainty, and friction. A Marine who has neither the ability nor the will to analyze a problem or understand the purpose of an order through implicit communications can be just as dangerous as the enemy. Furthermore, immediate obedience to orders inherently stifles boldness. Let us be clear, we do not want Marines to question every order. Rather, if we want our Marines to practice boldness and take the initiative, we must first develop their thought process, which will allow the understanding of the situation as a whole. This will then naturally temper boldness with sound judgment. In doing this, we encourage understanding of the “why” behind orders, which leads to immediate obedience to orders through implicit communication.

Education in the Marine Corps as dictated by MCDP 1 should be three tiered: the education establishment, the commander, and the individual.7 First, the professional schools of the Marine Corps should focus not only on the technical skills required in that specific field, but also the application of the art of warfare that is appropriate to that specific rank of Marine. Schools must not be completely filled with the memorization of facts and knowledge regurgitation. A portion of the curriculum may call for classes of this type, but they must also encourage discussion, sound judgment, and decisionmaking exercises. Second, commanders must consider it essential to their job as leaders to expand upon the baseline of education received at the professional establishments. Junior leaders must be seen as a direct reflection of their commanders. This expansion can be done through free play field exercises, terrain walks, supervised reading programs, map exercises, wargames, decision-forcing cases, or any other creative way that will facilitate learning. Lastly it is the responsibility of the individual Marine to self-educate and dedicate the time to studying military history and theory. MCDP 1 states:

Self-directed study in the art and science of war is at least equal in importance to maintaining physical condition and should receive at least equal time.

Conclusion

Yesterday’s Marines already identified the importance of this education for our officers years ago. We are now at another point where this education has become just as important for the enlisted Marine. Aligning ourselves with Expeditionary Force 21, and preparing our Marines for disaggregated operations throughout the world, we simply must extend this education of maneuver warfare and study of Marine Corps doctrine to our enlisted Marines. As William Lind said in The Maneuver Warfare Handbook, “We must return to personnel management as explained by MCDP l,”8 and carefully select those commanders and operations officers who will advocate this type of education and training in the Fleet Marine Force and the school system. With the right men and women in the right positions, those who truly believe and understand maneuver warfare, can strive for a more effective decentralized command, which will allow our team leaders, squad leaders, section leaders, and platoon sergeants the freedom necessary to analyze the situation and implement smart decisions on and off the battlefield. This thought process and ability to make decisions is vital to success in the asymmetric wars we fight today.

Notes

1. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP5, Planning, (Washington, DC: 1997); Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 4, Logistics, (Washington, DC: 1997); Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 6, Command and Control, (Washington, DC: 1996); Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP2, Intelligence, (Washington, DC: 1997).

2. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1997).

3. William S. Lind, The Maneuver Warfare Handbook, (Abington, UK: Routledge 1985); John R. Boyd, Patterns of Conflict, brief, Congress, (Washintőn, DC: 1986); Timothy T. Lupfer, The Dynamics of Doctrine, (Fort Leavenworth KS, 1981); John R. Boyd, The Decision Cycle, (1976); and Headquarters Marine Corps, PMPM 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1989).

4. Headquarters Marine Corps, Expeditionary Force 21, (Washington, DC: 2014)

5. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1-3, Tactics, (Washington, DC: 1997); and Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1-0, Marine Corps Operations, (Washington, DC: 2017).

6. Headquarters Marine Corps, Marine Corps Institute, Warfighting Skills Program, (Washington, DC: 1990).

7. MCDP 1, Warfighting.

8. The Maneuver Warfare Handbook.

On War’s Continued Relevancy

by Maj Scott Helminski

With his master work, On War, Carl von Clausewitz sought to bring about a “revolution in the theory of war.”1 In this regard., Clausewitz intended to draw on his experiences in war to develop a way to improve the commander’s ability to think about and conduct warfare. This unique approach stands in stark contrast to similar works from his era, which attempted to generate rules and formulas for the conduct of war, and contributes to his theory’s continued relevance in the 21st century. Nearly 150 years after Clausewitz’s death, a small group of Marines and civilians, disenchanted with recent combat experiences in Vietnam, looked to combine existent and emergent military theories to revolutionize the way the Corps’ leaders thought about and conducted war. Their efforts led to the Marine Corps’ adoption of maneuver warfare as doctrine in 1989. As the Corps renews its focus on the concept of maneuver warfare,2 Clausewitz’s On War and its influence on FMFM 1 and its successor MC DP 1-both titled Warfighting-warrants a closer examination. Clausewitz’s direct influence on the present-day Marine Corps and his current relevancy are apparent in Warfighting’s intent, structure, and espoused views on the nature and theory of war.

A revolutionary theory can change the way military professionals understand the phenomenon of war, which in turn changes the way they think about its conduct. This was not Clausewitz’s original intent for his work. Enlightenment-influenced military thinkers, such as Bülow and Jomini, sought to isolate and reduce war to a series of universal and immutable principles that, when applied in the conduct of war, could guarantee success. As was the common practice of the time, Clausewitz originally intended to dictate his observations into short, concise statements without considering their impact on the whole phenomenon of war.^ However, two major factors influenced the change in Clausewitz’s thinking. First was his extensive combat service, beginning in 1793 and including the time spent writing On War between 1816 and 1830. Second was the influence of the changing intellectual environment in Prussia amidst the German movement, which challenged much of the Enlightenment’s way of thinking. The movement rejected universal and immutable principles while focusing on concrete human experiences and the creative and unique character of individuals.5 Combining the new, German way of thinking with his experiences in war, Clausewitz modified his initial intent and was now determined to develop a new way to think about war as a whole rather than developing reductionist principles for its execution.

In his attempt to understand the phenomenon of war and change the way professionals thought about war, Clausewitz first sought to define the nature of war. The first chapter of Book One reflects his progression from defining war to describing the unchanging nature of war. He initially defines war as a duel, using the metaphor of two wrestlers exerting energy to impose their wills on each other. With this simple metaphor, he introduces the complexity of human interaction into the nature of war. This theme, threaded throughout the entirety of the work, immediately counters the use of immutable sciencebased rules in war.6 He also introduces war’s subordination to policy. Clausewitz concludes the chapter with the “marvelous trinity,” arguing that the prevailing tendencies of violence, probability, and reason-which generally concern the people, commander, and government, respectively-are always present. They comprise the unchanging nature of war. However, their interactions and wars’ subordination to policy explain the changing character of war throughout time.7

The majority of the remaining chapters of Book One address the realm of chance. Clausewitz devotes the longest chapter outside of Chapter One to the concept of genius, which he defines as “a very highly developed mental aptitude for a particular occupation.”8 In this chapter, he discusses the impact a commander can have on uncertainty and chance in war. He discusses character traits that best lend themselves to genius and alludes to the fact that training and education can illuminate and increase a commander’s genius to an extent. 9 He also introduces the concepts of danger, physical exertion, intelligence, and friction. He concludes that these concepts all combine to create the concept of general friction, which makes activity-especially decision making: the cerebral activity-in war increasingly difficult. He argues that the only counter to friction is experience.10 By introducing the complex and unchanging nature of war and the role of the commander in the realm of chance, Clausewitz sought to change how professionals thought about war.

Recognizing the significant effects of friction and the potential positive impacts of the commander and experience, Clausewitz then turns his attention to theory and its use in influencing how commanders think in war. He contends that theory enables the informed study of war. He avoids prescribing theory as a means to achieve a set of rules and principles for action in the conduct of war; rather, he argues that theory drives study by providing a framework that enables commanders to learn through the critical analysis of historical cases. From this informed self-study, commanders gain familiarity-vicarious experience-with war, which improves their judgment. This familiarity and judgment aids in avoiding poor decisions in combat and prevents the need for a manual of action that accompanies the commander to the battlefield.11 Thus, theory, based on an understanding of the nature of war, provides the means for commanders to learn how to think about war.

Over a century and a half later, On Wars influence is evident in the Marine Corps’ revolutionary capstone doctrine, Warfighting. Like Clausewitz, Marines attempted to synthesize a new way of thinking because their disillusionment with their recent combat experiences in the Vietnam War and perceived organizational and doctrinal problems. They found the answer in retired Air Force Col John Boyd’s concept of maneuver warfare. In line with Clausewitz’s view of theory and Kritik, Boyd developed his brief, Patterns of Conflict, as a critical analysis of over 2,500 years of war and conflict, seeking to discern any emergent patterns.12 The Marine Corps adopted the resultant concept of maneuver warfare as its warfighting philosophy with the publication of FMFM1, War fighting, in 1989.13

Like On War, Warfighting revolutionized the way Marines think. Although a doctrinal publication, Warfighting avoids prescribing specific techniques and procedures. Instead, it provides overarching concepts and direction that requires judgment in application.1^ The publication concludes that “maneuver warfare is a way of thinking in and about war that should shape our every action.”13 Unlike many other doctrinal publications, Warfighting s emphasis on developing habits of thought and avoidance of specified rules and principles is consistent with Clausewitz’s approach to the theory of war. With its adoption, Warfighting indeed revolutionized the way Marines thought about war.

Similar to On War, Warfighting kirst explores the nature and theory of war in order to provide Marines with a common understanding of the phenomenon of war. The first two chapters borrow heavily from the first two books of On War, citing the work thirteen times,16 Warfighting’s author even comments in an endnote that On War is “arguably the definitive treatment of the nature and theory of war. All Marine officers should consider this book essential reading.”17 In the chapter on the nature of war, Warfighting identifies the role of human interaction, complexity, violence, danger, uncertainty, and chance in creating friction in war-all present in Clausewitz’s book on the same topic.18 The chapter on theory begins with war’s subordination to policy, another of Clausewitz’s unchanging tendencies in the nature of war that accounts for its ever-changing character.1^*

However, Clausewitz’s influence is not limited to the first two chapters of Warfighting. The value of critical analysis and critique of the training and education of Marines is evident in the chapter on the preparation for war.21 Clausewitz’s focus on the mind of the commander, self-study, and decision making appears in both the chapter on preparing for war and the chapter on its conduct.21 This list of Clausewitz’s influences is not all inclusive; rather, it offers an insight into the extent to which Clausewitz’s thinking influenced the thinking of the Marine Corps. In its attempt to revolutionize the way its Marines think, the Marine Corps used a literary work intended to do the same.

Rather than develop a set of rules and principles applicable to the conduct of war in his time, Clausewitz defined the complex but unchanging nature of war and identified theory’s role in enabling informed study. The work has inspired intense debate and discussion about its contents since its publication. Thus, Clausewitz achieved his goal of revolutionizing the way professionals thought about war “that would not be forgotten after two or three years, and that possibly might be picked up more than once by those who are interested in the subject.”22 The Marine Corps’ intent, structure, and views on the nature and theory of war in its current capstone doctrine evidence Clausewitz’s continued relevance. As Gen AI Gray, 29th Commandant of the Marine Corps, writes in the preface of MCDP 1, “Warfighting has stimulated discussion and debate from classrooms to wardrooms, training areas to combat zones.”23 Twenty years later, another commandant is urging Marines to rediscover the tenets of maneuver warfare first propounded in Warfighting. As today’s Marines turn back to MCDP 1, they will once again encounter revolutionary thoughts that continue to resonate two centuries after they were written. Clausewitz’s ideas are alive and well in the Marine Corps.

Notes

1.Carl von Clausewitz, On War, edited and translated by Michael Howard and Peter Paret, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976). This statement is in Clausewitz’s Note of 10 July 1827.

2. Headquarters Marine Corps, Marine Corps Operating Concept: How an Expeditionary Force Operates in the21st Century, (Washington, DC: September 2016).

3. Azar Gat, A History of Military Thought: From the Enlightenment to the Cold War, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2001). See also R.R. Palmer, “Frederick the Great, Guibert, Biilow: From Dynastic to National War,” in Makers ofModern Strategy from Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age, edited by Peter Paret, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), and John Shy, “Jomí ni,” in Makers of Modern Strategy from Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age.

4. On War. This statement is in the author’s comment, “On the Genesis of his Early Manuscript on the Theory of War, written around 1818.”

5- A History of Military Thought.

6. On War. See also Alan Beyerchen, “Clausewitz, Nonlinearity, and the Unpredictability of War,” International Security, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993).

7. On War.

8. Ibid.

9- Ibid. This chapter deserves a separate discussion, and this explanation does not do the concept justice. For a better treatment of the subject, read the chapter in its entirety.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Damian Fideleon, The Road to FMFM 1: The United States Marine Corps and Maneuver Warfare Doctrine, 1979-1989, master’s thesis, Kansas State University, (Manhattan, KS: 2008).

13. Headquarters Marine Corps, FMFM 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1989).

14. Headquarters Marine Corps, MCDP 1, Warfighting, (Washington, DC: 1997).

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23.Ibid.