Xi Jinping Thought and Implications for the Indo-Pacific Information Domain

Understanding the pacing threat

The dawn of a new year is a most appropriate and auspicious time to take stock of oneself, one’s goals, and one’s path forward for the next twelve months—a veritable fulcrum of reflection. And what better subject matter to consider in rectifying one’s ways than the governing ideology (to loosely use the term) of Chairman Xi Jinping, the paramount leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), its military wing, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over which he governs? 

Often framed as the “pacing threat” for the Marine Corps and broader Joint Force, the CCP-PRC Party-State under Chairman Xi has recommitted itself to an ideological nationalism formally termed “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” (习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想), more commonly known as “Xi Jinping Thought.”1 First announced by General Secretary Xi Jinping at the 19th National Congress of the CCP in October 2017, “Xi Jinping Thought”2 now resides in the CCP’s constitution3 and serves as a guiding4 doctrine5 for all levels of the Party-State6 to “rejuvenate the nation” and achieve the “China Dream.”7

A key enabler for China’s “national rejuvenation” is victory in the information domain at home and abroad. Beijing’s recent efforts to manipulate domestic and foreign perceptions through digitally enabled hearts-and-minds campaigns are well-documented. Effective prosecution of the same will allow the CCP and PLA to shape battlefields to their advantage without a shot being fired. As those efforts begin on the PRC’s home front, it behooves practitioners of information operations within the Marine Corps and broader defense enterprise to develop familiarity with the Fourteen Commitments, or guiding principles, that form the heart of “Xi Jinping Thought.”

1. “Ensure the Communist Party leads over all forms of work in China.” Since Chairman Xi’s accession in 2012, the CCP has reasserted its control over state,8 academic,9 and private-sector institutions.10 This comprehensive approach to governance integrates Party leadership at every level of society, ensuring that the Party’s directives and ideology influence all aspects of governance and daily operations.11 By embedding its presence deeply within these sectors, the CCP aims to maintain ideological consistency and reinforce its authoritative role, effectively centralizing power and establishing a uniform policy execution across the nation.

2. “Commit to a people-centered approach.” The Party-state’s reassertion of influence in all facets of Chinese life is balanced with a focus on the social needs of the people. Xi Jinping emphasizes “common prosperity”12 to address13 the growing wealth gap14 in China, reflecting his intent to ensure equitable economic development. This approach seeks to temper economic policies with social welfare initiatives, striving to uplift disadvantaged communities and foster a more inclusive society. By prioritizing the well-being of the people, the Party aims to strengthen social stability and reinforce its legitimacy among the populace.

3. “Comprehensively deepen reforms.” Xi Jinping’s assertion that “only socialism can save China, and only reform and opening-up can develop China” underscores his commitment to evolving socialism and Marxism. Since 2012, Xi has championed reforms15 to fortify Party-State control16 over China’s economy,17 society,18 and military.19 These reforms aim to enhance governance, boost economic efficiency, and ensure social stability. By integrating socialist principles with pragmatic reforms, Xi seeks to modernize China while maintaining the ideological foundation of the Communist Party, thereby reinforcing its authority and guiding the nation’s development trajectory. 

4. “Adhere to new development ideas.” Xi Jinping emphasizes “scientific development” as the cornerstone for addressing China’s comprehensive challenges. This approach—characterized by coordinated, innovative, open, and green development—is designed to foster sustainable growth. Chairman Xi frequently frames20 CCP initiatives as “scientific”21 and “pragmatic”22 solutions, aiming to modernize the economy, enhance technological innovation, and promote environmental sustainability. By advocating for these development ideas, Xi seeks to ensure that China’s progress is both resilient and inclusive, addressing immediate needs while safeguarding future generations.

5. “Follow socialism with Chinese characteristics,” wherein “people are the masters of the country.” Chairman Xi frequently emphasizes23 that the development of the state24 should not take precedence over the people’s livelihood.25 Under this guiding principle, the CCP aims to balance state-led development with the well-being of its citizens. By advocating for socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi stresses the importance of prioritizing social welfare, public services, and improving living standards. This approach seeks to ensure that the state’s economic and social policies are aligned with the needs and aspirations of the people, reinforcing the notion that the people are the true masters of the country.

6. “Govern through the Rule of Law.” Socialism with Chinese characteristics26 is safeguarded by laws that require deeper judicial27 reforms28 and the enhancement of national29 moral quality.30 Chairman Xi has emphasized the importance of judicial reform and national morality to ensure a just and orderly society. However, the CCP remains the ultimate31 authority32 in interpreting and enforcing laws. This governance approach aims to balance legal frameworks with the Party’s overarching control, striving to uphold legal standards while maintaining the Party’s central role in the administration of justice and societal governance.

7. “Practice socialist core values, including Marxism, Communism, and Socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Chairman Xi has consistently emphasized that confidence in China’s political culture33 is a profound driving force34 for the nation’s development.35 By promoting the core values of Marxism, Communism, and Socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi aims to strengthen ideological commitment and national identity. This confidence in political culture serves as a foundation for social unity and resilience, supporting the Party’s vision of a prosperous, stable, and progressive society. Through these values, the CCP seeks to inspire and guide the nation’s development path.

8. “Improving people’s livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development.” Drawing inspiration from Sun Yat-Sen,36 Xi Jinping emphasizes that public contentment is essential for domestic stability,37 peace, and order. By stressing “common prosperity,” Xi aims to reduce the wealth gap and ensure equitable economic growth.38 This focus on improving livelihoods highlights the Party’s commitment to social welfare, healthcare, education, and employment opportunities. By prioritizing the well-being of all citizens, the CCP seeks to foster a harmonious and stable society, reinforcing the legitimacy of its governance.

9. “Coexist with nature.” Xi Jinping emphasizes the importance of basic national policies for environmental protection39 and energy conservation,40 believing they contribute to global ecological safety and safeguard China’s priceless natural assets. This commitment is reflected in Xi’s efforts41 to position China as a leader42 in green technology.43 By promoting sustainable practices and investing in renewable
energy, the CCP aims to mitigate environmental degradation and support global efforts to combat climate change. This approach underscores China’s responsibility to both its own environment and the broader global ecosystem.

10. “Strengthen national security.” Under Chairman Xi’s administration, major principles for national safety include coordinating development and security, strengthening awareness, and preparing for crises in times of peace.44 This strategic approach is reflected in the PLA’s focus on combat readiness.45 Xi emphasizes the importance of integrating national security into all aspects of governance, ensuring that China is well-prepared to address both internal and external threats. By enhancing military capabilities and fostering a culture of vigilance, the Party aims to safeguard the nation’s sovereignty and maintain stability in an increasingly complex global environment.

11. “The Communist Party maintains absolute authority over the People’s Liberation Army.” Chairman Xi’s reforms have reinforced the Party’s control over the military through comprehensive political education,46 continuous reforms,47 and advancements in science and technology.48 By enhancing legal management49 within the PLA, these reforms ensure that Party authority50 remains unchallenged. The focus on ideological indoctrination and modernization of military capabilities aligns the PLA closely with the Party’s objectives, maintaining its loyalty and readiness to serve the state under the absolute command of the Communist Party.

12. “One Country – Two Systems for Hong Kong and Macau; One-China 1992 Consensus and Eventual Taiwan Reunification.” Xi Jinping maintains the Party’s flexible, patient,51 yet dogged determination52 to assert its governing authority over all of China.53 The “One Country, Two Systems” principle allows Hong Kong and Macau54 to retain distinct administrative and economic systems, while the One-China 1992 Consensus55 underscores the Party’s commitment to eventual reunification with Taiwan.56 Xi’s approach reflects a strategic balance of firmness and adaptability, aiming to ensure national sovereignty and territorial integrity while accommodating regional differences.

13. “The Chinese dream is inseparable from a peaceful international environment and a stable international order.” Chairman Xi has promoted China’s system57 as an alternative58 to Western liberalism,59 advocating for a model that emphasizes state sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual respect. This approach contributes to the concept of a global “shared destiny,”60 wherein countries cooperate to achieve common goals while respecting each other’s unique development paths. Xi’s vision seeks to position China as a leader in fostering international stability and cooperation, aligning with the broader goal of realizing the Chinese dream in a harmonious global context.

14. “Enforce Party Discipline.” Chairman Xi’s anti-corruption campaign61 is the most visible62 sign of his belief in the importance of the Party’s internal supervision, political purity, and close ties with the masses.63 Xi has emphasized that the Communist Party must uphold strict discipline to maintain its legitimacy and effectiveness. By targeting unhealthy tendencies64 and corruption,65 the campaign seeks to strengthen the Party’s internal culture and ensure that its members adhere to high moral and ethical standards. This focus on discipline and integrity is essential for reinforcing public trust and achieving the Party’s long-term goals.

Insights for the Marine Corps
The above Fourteen Commitments provide a valuable framework for scoping and understanding the often expansive and nebulous nature of “Xi Jinping Thought.” They provide insights into enduring priorities for Xi Jinping as he seeks to maintain the CCP’s monopoly on political power at home and avoid the always-possible spectre of a Soviet-style collapse in the future. Themes that come to the fore include the pervasiveness of Communist Party authority in broader Chinese society, the populist need to frame Party activities as “serving the needs of the masses,” and the importance of maintaining “ideological rigor” and “internal unity” within the party and military, the better to secure the loyalty of the latter for the former. “Xi Jinping Thought” likewise provides a template for the type of authoritarian governance model that Beijing would gladly export abroad, the better to nurture a group of like-minded nations to help “make the world safe” for CCP-style authoritarianism. The Marine Corps’ continued operations, activities, and investments in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific can be more effectively calibrated via an understanding, outlined by Xi Jinping Thought, of how Beijing seeks to incrementally undermine that same order in the hearts and minds of its neighbors’ citizens.

>Mr. Jensen is a recognized expert in Sino-Russian relations and information operations. He is the author of the “Shanghai Weekly” and related pacing threat-focused products widely distributed throughout the U.S. and Allied maritime forces. He currently consults as the Senior RED (Russo-Chinese) Subject-Matter Expert for the Marine Corps Vandegrift Team, a coordinating tiger cell under the Marine Corps Deputy Commandant for Information focused on optimizing the broader U.S. maritime force and key partners for Great-Power Competition in the Information Domain.

Notes

1. China Central TV-1, “His Own Words: The 14 Principles of ‘Xi Jinping Thought,’” BBC Monitoring, October 24, 2017, https://monitoring.bbc.co.uk/product/c1dmwn4r.

2. Chris Buckley, “Xi Jinping Thought Explained: A New Ideology for a New Era,” The New York Times, February 26, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/26/world/asia/xi-jinping-thought-explained-a-new-ideology-for-a-new-era.html.

3. Jarek Grzywacz, “How Xi Jinping Used the CCP Constitution to Cement His Power,” The  Diplomat, January 26, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/01/how-xi-jinping-used-the-ccp-constitution-to-cement-his-power.

4. Charlotte Poirier, “Xi Jinping Thought: Xi’s Struggle against Political Decline,” Institute for Security and Development Policy, 2021, https://www.isdp.se/publication/xi-jinping-thought-xis-struggle-against-political-decline.

5. Mercy A. Kuo, “The Political Aims of ‘Xi Jinping Thought,’” The Diplomat, November 21, 2023, https://thediplomat.com/2023/11/the-political-aims-of-xi-jinping-thought.

6. Congressional Research Service, “China Primer: China’s Political System–CRS Reports,” Congressional Research Service, January 3, 2025, https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF12505.

7. Timothy R. Heath, “Xi’s Cautious Inching Towards the China Dream,” RAND, August 11, 2023, https://www.rand.org/pubs/external_publications/EP70200.html.

8. Michał Bogusz and Jakub Jakóbowski, “The Chinese Communist Party and Its State. Xi Jinping’s Conservative Turn,” OSW Report, April 2020, https://www.osw.waw.pl/sites/default/files/REPORT_The-Chinese-Communist-Party_net.pdf.

9. William Zheng, “China’s Top Universities Told to Stop Slacking off on Communist Party Ideology,” South China Morning Post, September 7, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3147779/chinas-top-universities-told-stop-slacking-communist-party.

10. Scott Livingston, “The Chinese Communist Party Targets the Private Sector,” CSIS, October 8, 2020, https://www.csis.org/analysis/chinese-communist-party-targets-private-sector.

11. Nis Grünberg and Katja Drinhausen, “The Party Leads on Everything,” Merics, September 24, 2019, https://merics.org/en/report/party-leads-everything.

12. David Bulman, Cui Wei, Mark Frazier, Mike Mike Gow, Yujeong Yang, Guoguang Wu, and Mary Gallagher, “Xi Jinping Says He Wants to Spread China’s Wealth More Equitably. How Likely Is That to Actually Happen?” ChinaFile, March 3, 2023, https://www.chinafile.com/conversation/common-prosperity-China-wealth-redistribution.

13. Thomas Hale and Leila Abboud, “Xi Jinping’s Call for Wealth Redistribution Threatens Luxury Groups’ China Boom,” Financial Times, August 27, 2021, https://www.ft.com/content/4cf59a34-cd03-48a1-b5d0-0c71922ef9b3.

14. Josephine Ma, “My Take: Why China Needs to Mind the Earnings Gap,” South China Morning Post, January 30, 2024, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3250334/why-china-needs-mind-earnings-gap.

15. Yew Lun Tian, “Unleashing Reforms, Xi Returns to China’s Socialist Roots,” Reuters, September 9, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/china/unleashing-reforms-xi-returns-chinas-socialist-roots-2021-09-09.

16. Maya Wang, “China’s Techno-Authoritarianism Has Gone Global,” Human Rights Watch, April 8, 2021, https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/08/chinas-techno-authoritarianism-has-gone-global.

17. Laura He, “China’s ‘unprecedented’ Crackdown Stunned Private Enterprise. One Year on, It May Have to Cut Business Some Slack,” CNN, November 3, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/11/02/tech/china-economy-crackdown-private-companies-intl-hnk/index.html.

18. The Associated Press, “China Bans Effeminate Men on TV,” NPR, September 2, 2021, https://www.npr.org/2021/09/02/
1033687586/china-ban-effeminate-men-tv-official-morality.

19. The Economist, “Xi Jinping Is Obsessed with Political Loyalty in the Pla,” The Economist, November 6, 2023, https://www.economist.com/special-report/2023/11/06/xi-jinping-is-obsessed-with-political-loyalty-in-the-pla.

20. Yu Jie, “China’s New Scientists,” Chatham House, July 2023, https://www.chathamhouse.org/2023/07/chinas-new-scientists.

21. Ben Murphy, Rogier Creemers, Elsa Kania, Paul Triolo, Kevin Neville, and Graham Webster, “Xi Jinping: ‘Strive to Become the World’s Primary Center for Science and High Ground for Innovation,’” DigiChina, March 18, 2021, https://digichina.stanford.edu/work/xi-jinping-strive-to-become-the-worlds-primary-center-for-science-and-high-ground-for-innovation.

22. Marina Rudyak, “Cooperation/合作,” Decoding China, March 26, 2023, https://decodingchina.eu/cooperation.

23. William Langley, “Xi Jinping Framed as Man of the People and the Party in New Year’s Speech,” South China Morning Post, January 1, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3116129/xi-jinping-framed-man-people-and-party-new-years-speech.

24. Joe C.B. Leung, “Common Prosperity: A Conundrum for China,” AsiaGlobal Online Journal, October 21, 2021, https://www.asiaglobalonline.hku.hk/common-prosperity-conundrum-china.

25. Mimi Lau, “Xi Declares Extreme Poverty Has Been Wiped out in China,” South China Morning Post, February 25, 2021, https://www.scmp.
com/news/china/politics/article/3123174/xi-jinping-declares-extreme-poverty-has-been-wiped-out-china.

26. Ethan Paul and Lea Li, “What Is ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’?” South China Morning Post, June 26, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/video/china/3138788/socialism-chinese-characteristics-explained. 

27. Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee, “Xi Jinping Emphasized Strengthening the Development of the Legal System Related to Foreign Affairs and Creating Favorable External Environment and Rule of Law Conditions during the Tenth Collective Study Session of the CCP Central Committee Politburo,” CSIS Interpret: China, November 28, 2023, https://interpret.csis.org/translations/xi-jinping-emphasized-strengthening-the-development-of-the-legal-system-related-to-foreign-affairs-and-creating-favorable-external-environment-and-rule-of-law-conditions-during-the-tenth-collective-st.

28. The Economist, “Why China’s Government Is Hushing up Court Rulings,” The Economist, January 15, 2024, https://www.economist.com/china/2024/01/15/why-chinas-government-is-hushing-up-court-rulings.

29. Michael Schuman, “Xi Jinping Is Fighting a Culture War at Home,” The Atlantic, December 20, 2023, https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2023/12/xi-jinping-china-culture-war/676896.

30. Delia Lin, “Morality Politics under Xi Jinping,” East Asia Forum, August 1, 2019, https://eastasiaforum.org/2019/08/01/morality-politics-under-xi-jinping.

31. Chris Buckley, “‘Drive the Blade in’: Xi Shakes up China’s Law-and-Order Forces,” The New York Times, August 20, 2020, https://www.
nytimes.com/2020/08/20/world/asia/china-xi-jinping-communist-party.html.

32. Thomas Hale and Xueqiao Wang, “China’s Court Database Reform Stokes Fears for Transparency in Legal Sector,” Financial Times, January 7, 2024, https://www.ft.com/content/665a48d5-2ce0-4661-91c9-6dbebe2e4b9b.

33. Zhuoran Li, “The Sixth Plenum and the Rise of Traditional Chinese Culture in Socialist Ideology,” The Diplomat, November 19, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/11/the-sixth-plenum-and-the-rise-of-traditional-chinese-culture-in-socialist-ideology.

34. News Desk, “Xi Jinping Calls on Writers, Artists to Contribute to National Rejuvenation,” The Global Herald, December 14, 2021, https://theglobalherald.com/news/xi-jinping-calls-on-writers-artists-to-contribute-to-national-rejuvenation.

35. Agence France-Presse, “‘Ode to the New Era’: Chinese Communist Party’s Historical Resolution Explained,” France 24, November 17, 2021, https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/
20211117-ode-to-the-new-era-chinese-communist-party-s-historical-resolution-explained.

36. Benjamin Carlson, “Tug of War over China’s Founding Father Sun Yat-Sen,” Yahoo! News, November 9, 2016, https://sg.news.yahoo.com/
tug-war-over-chinas-founding-father-sun-yat-
045718797.html.

37. Ananth Krishnan, “Domestic Considerations Always Come First for China’s Communist Party: Rana Mitter on the CPC at 100,” The Hindu, July 1, 2021, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/domestic-considerations-always-come-first-for-chinas-communist-party-rana-mitter-on-the-cpc-at-100/article61448303.ece.

38. Mercy A. Kuo, “China’s ‘Common Prosperity’: The Maoism of Xi Jinping–Insights from Ming Xia,” The Diplomat, September 23, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/chinas-common-prosperity-the-maoism-of-xi-jinping.

39. AsiaNews, “Xi Jinping Now Wants Economic Growth to Respect the Environment,” AsiaNews, February 11, 2019, https://www.asianews.it/
news-en/Xi-Jinping-now-wants-economic-growth-to-respect-the-environment-46216.html.

40. Helen Adams, “President of China, Xi Jinping, Declares an End to Coal Use,” Sustainability Magazine, September 22, 2021, https://sustainabilitymag.com/renewable-energy/president-china-xi-jinping-declares-end-coal-use.

41. Dominic Chiu, “The East Is Green: China’s Global Leadership in Renewable Energy,” New Perspectives in Foreign Policy 13 (2017), https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/171011_chiu_china_Solar.pdf?i70f0uep_pGOS3iWhvwUlBNigJMcYJvX.

42. Erin Black, “Why China Is so Far Ahead of the U.S. in Electric Vehicle Production,” CNBC, March 24, 2021, https://www.cnbc.com/2021/03/24/why-china-is-so-far-ahead-of-the-us-when-it-comes-to-ev-production-.html.

43. Gang Chen,“China’s Quest for Global Climate Leadership,” East Asia Forum, June 24, 2021, https://eastasiaforum.org/2021/06/24/chinas-quest-for-global-climate-leadership.

44. Aadil Brar, “‘Prepare to Fight,’ China Tells Citizens. Xi Jinping Has Big Plans for Party and Security,” ThePrint, November 22, 2021, https://theprint.in/opinion/chinascope/prepare-to-fight-china-tells-citizens-xi-jinping-has-big-plans-for-party-and-security/769639.

45. Ananth Krishnan, “China President Xi Jinping Signs Mobilisation Order for PLA Training,” The Hindu, January 4, 2022, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/china-president-xi-jinping-signs-mobilisation-order-for-pla-training/article38118147.ece; and  Catherine Wong, “Xi Tells China’s Military ‘be Prepared to Respond’ in Unstable Times,” South China Morning Post, March 9, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/military

/article/3124733/xi-jinping-tells-chinas-military-be-prepared-respond-unstable.

46. Derek Solen, “Right Thinking and Self-Criticisms: Military Modernization with Chinese Communist Characteristics,” The Diplomat, September 29, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/right-thinking-and-self-criticisms-military-modernization-with-chinese-communist-characteristics.

47. William Zheng, “PLA Targets Top Brass in Loyalty Education Campaign after High-Level Purges,” South China Morning Post, February 8, 2025, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3297783/chinas-pla-targets-top-brass-campaign-touting-political-loyalty-xi-jinping.

48. Elsa B. Kania, “In Military-Civil Fusion, China Is Learning Lessons from the United States and Starting to Innovate,” The Strategy Bridge, August 27, 2019, https://thestrategybridge.org/the-bridge/2019/8/27/in-military-civil-fusion-china-is-learning-lessons-from-the-united-states-and-starting-to-innovate..

49. James Mulvenon, “‘Comrade, Where’s My Military Car?’ Xi Jinping’s Throwback Mass-Line Campaign to Curb PLA Corruption,” China Leadership Monitor, No. 42 (2013), https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/CLM42JM.pdf.

50. Mathieu Duchâtel, ed, “The PLA Reforms: Tightening Control over the Military: Foundation for Strategic Research,” European Council on Foreign Relations, March 31, 2016, https://www.frstrategie.org/en/publications/others/pla-reforms-tightening-control-over-military-2016.

51. Xin Ge, “Why ‘one Country, Two Systems’ Is Successful in Hong Kong and Macao?” Modern Diplomacy, January 14, 2024, https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2024/01/14/why-one-country-two-systems-is-successful-in-hong-kong-and-macao; and Ezra Cheung, Lo Hoi-ying, and Willa Wu, “Hong Kong Governing Principle to Be Permanent Feature, Top Beijing Official Says,” South China Morning Post, February 26, 2024, https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3253216/beijing-attaches-great-importance-hong-kong-countrys-global-finance-hub-xia-baolong-tells-local

52. Dzirhan Mahadzir, “Xi Jinping Pledges Reunification with Taiwan in New Year’s Message,” USNI News, January 1, 2024, https://news.usni.org/2024/01/01/xi-jinping-pledges-reunification-with-taiwan-in-new-years-message; and William Zheng, “Xi Jinping’s Firm Hand on Hong Kong and Taiwan Backed by Communist Party,” South China Morning Post, November 12, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3155755/chinas-communist-party-backs-xi-jinpings-firm-hand-hong-kong.

53. Colin Clark, “New Chinese 10-Dash Map Sparks Furor across Indo-Pacific: Vietnam, India, Philippines, Malaysia,” Breaking Defense, September 4, 2023, https://breakingdefense.com/2023/09/new-chinese-10-dash-map-sparks-furor-across-indo-pacific-vietnam-india-philippines-malaysia.

54. William H. Overholt, “Hong Kong: The Rise and Fall of ‘One Country, Two Systems,’” Harvard Kennedy School, December 2019, https://ash.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/overholt_hong_kong_paper_final.pdf; and Sophie Williams, “Macau: China’s Other ‘one Country, Two Systems’ Region,” BBC News, December 19, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-50832919.

55. Alyssa Resar, “The 1992 Consensus: Why It Worked and Why It Fell Apart,” The Diplomat, July 18, 2022, https://thediplomat.com/2022/07/the-1992-consensus-why-it-worked-and-why-it-fell-apart.

56. Helen Davidson, “China and Taiwan Are Destined for ‘Reunification’, Xi Tells Former President,” The Guardian, April 10, 2024, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/10/china-taiwan-destined-for-reunification-xi-jinping-tells-ma-ying-jeou.

57. Dylan Levi King, “Wang Huning: The Man behind Xi Jinping,” The Spectator, July 27, 2021, https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/the-man-behind-xi-jinping.

58. Christopher Colley, “The Fallacy of a Chinese Alternative to the Western Order,” Wilson Center, January 18, 2024, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/fallacy-chinese-alternative-western-order.

59. Scott Foster, “The Chinese Communist Party vs Western Liberalism,” Asia Times, December 25, 2020, https://asiatimes.com/2020/12/the-chinese-communist-party-vs-western-liberalism.

60. Robert A. Manning, “China’s Developing World Promises Are Smoke and Mirrors,” Foreign Policy, May 8, 2024, https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/04/05/china-developing-world-bri-global-development-initiative-hegemony.

61. William Zheng, “‘No Mercy’ in Anti-Corruption Drive, Xi Warns Communist Party,” South China Morning Post, January 12, 2022, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3163016/xi-jinping-his-top-leadership-no-mercy-fight-against-corruption.

62. Fatoumata Diallo, “Xi Jinping’s Anti-Corruption Struggle: Eight Years On,” Institute for Security and Development Policy, April 9, 2021, https://web.archive.org/web/20211216205930/https://isdp.eu/content/uploads/2021/04/Xi-Jinpings-Anti-corruption-Struggle-IB-09.04.21.pdf.

63. Perry Link, “The CCP’s Culture of Fear,” ChinaFile, October 21, 2021, https://www.chinafile.com/library/nyrb-china-archive/ccps-culture-of-fear. Cheryl Teh, “China Punished More than 600,000 Officials in 2021 amid Xi Jinping’s Clampdown on Corruption and Misconduct,” Business Insider, January 23, 2022, https://www.businessinsider.com/china-punished-over-600000-officials-amid-xis-corruption-clampdown-2022-1. Eva Fu, “Chinese State Media Orders US Workers to Maintain ‘political Purity,’ Not Practice Falun Gong: Internal Document,” The Epoch Times, December 2, 2021, https://www.theepochtimes.com/china/chinese-state-media-orders-us-workers-to-maintain-political-purity-not-practice-falun-gong-internal-document-4135242; and James Griffiths, “Analysis: Xi Jinping’s Culture War Comes to China’s Campuses as Communist Party Prepares to Mark 100 Years,” CNN, April 20, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/04/20/china/xi-jinping-universities-intl-hnk/index.html; and Katsuji Nakazawa, “Analysis: XI Aims to Mobilize the Masses with Populist Crackdowns,” Nikkei Asia, August 12, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-Xi-aims-to-mobilize-the-masses-with-populist-crackdowns.

64. Reuters, “China Culture Crackdown a Sign of ‘profound’ Political Change,” Reuters, August 31, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-culture-crackdown-sign-profound-political-change-commentary-2021-08-31.

65. Jacob Fromer, “Xi’s Iron Grip on Power Brings New Form of Corruption, US Panel Is Told,” South China Morning Post, January 28, 2022, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3165022/xi-jinpings-iron-grip-power-brings-new-form-corruption-china-experts. 

So, You Want to Influence a Foreign Government?

Messaging for competition and crisis

It is no secret that the Marine Corps wants to influence Russia, China, and other foreign governments. Like the rest of the Joint Force, the Corps is working to optimize information capabilities for competition and crisis—as described in the 2022 National Defense Strategy—to deter the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) aggression against the United States, Taiwan, the Philippines, and others. Washington is concerned with a host of other PRC behaviors—not least of which is its massive and continuous malicious cyber operations against U.S. critical infrastructure. But so far, the DOD has prioritized warning against the consequences of seizing Taiwan.

The clearest messaging has come from the top. More than once, President Biden publicly stated that the U.S. would intervene to defend Taiwan if the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) attacked.1 Deputy Secretary of Defense Hicks made clear that the Replicator Initiative is intended to counter China in a Taiwan Strait contingency, and ADM Paparo, Commander of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, has said he wants “to tum the Taiwan Strait into an unmanned hellscape.”2

What effect, if any, do these messages have on Xi Jinping and his few trusted subordinates with any real power? Power matters here because the purpose of these messages is to change Beijing’s behavior, and thus, the intended message recipients must have the power to affect state-level behavior. Within the influence community, there is debate about how to answer that question and even whether it is answerable. The fact that there is an influence community suggests that most influence capabilities and operations are not so highly visible as declarations from combatant command (CCMD) commanders, deputy secretaries of defense, or presidents. Less visible and less potentially escalatory—but also less potentially effective—influence operations may produce smaller effects that are harder to identify.

Purported effects typically assume—rather than demonstrate—causal connections. The PLA is investing in countering unmanned aerial vehicle swarms; they must be responding to ADM Paparo and Secretary Hicks, obviously. However, the PLA has been researching and investing in creating and countering drone swarms for years. How do we know their latest research and development is not what they would have done anyway—or had even planned to do before those public comments were made?

The trouble with giving up on assessing the effects of influence operations is that without them, you cannot get better. You cannot learn anything, determine what works, what does not, what produces unintended consequences, or even whether your actions are undermining your own goals. The PRC’s wolf warrior diplomacy is a prime example. That overly aggressive, bullying style of international diplomacy almost entirely backfired. It was intended to force compliance with Beijing’s foreign policy, view of its borders, ownership of the South China Sea, and the reach of its economic leverage. Instead, it pushed South China Sea claimants, South Asian, Pacific, Central and South American, and African nations closer to the United States.

Given the time, tax dollars, personnel, and other resources invested in the Joint Force’s influence capabilities, failure to develop precision measures of those capabilities would be akin to fraud, waste, and abuse. So, it is worth asking some basic questions to understand what the influence endeavor is based on, how to determine if it works, and what kinds of outcomes one would expect it to produce.

The first question the Marine Corps must answer is whether it can, in fact, influence any adversarial actors who meet two criteria: the actor is engaged in some behavior the Corps wants to affect, and the actor has the power to change that behavior. Behaviors of interest, to be more specific, can refer to intentions to take certain undesirable actions in the future (e.g., to invade or blockade Taiwan)—behaviors the influence specialist wants to change—or desirable behaviors the influence specialist wants to reinforce and maintain. In either case, these are typically state behaviors that express a nation’s foreign policy. When adversarial nations have autocratic regimes, the actors in question are a small number of national state, party, and military decision makers and the cadre of trusted advisors who can influence them.

Like the rest of the Joint Force, the Marine Corps must identify these actors, which of them have the power to influence state behaviors of interest to the Corps and defense policies the Corps supports, and which of them—if any—care about and pay attention to the Marine Corps and its capabilities. The conclusion is not foregone. Beijing may be preoccupied with deep concern over Space Force, Air Force, and Navy capabilities. Of course, Beijing’s leaders could both discount the role and effectiveness of the Marine Corps in a Taiwan contingency and be mistaken in doing so. It could be the case that they discount the Marine Corps when in fact, given China’s goals and capabilities, Beijing should give due weight to the role of Marines in future combat. In this case, it would fall to the Marine Corps to reshape those judgments to garner greater influence.

Combatant commands, which have unique information capability authorities, face practical limitations that may prevent them from ever leveraging Marine Corps capabilities for information effects. Combatant command information staffs, J3Xs, and J39s have limited capacity. If they determine that adversarial leaders are most concerned with, and most responsive to, messages about air, space, and naval capabilities, they will prioritize those messages, perhaps justifiably excluding Marine Corps systems from influence messaging content.

Figure 1. Steps in the logical process of identifying an influence target who both has the power to influence state behavior (or influence another actor who does) and is susceptible to the Marine Corps’ influence. (Figure provided by author.)

Whether adversarial state actors care enough about the Marine Corps to change national policy and state behaviors is a straightforward intelligence question. If the intelligence community can answer it in the affirmative, the Corps then confronts whether, how, and who should carry out a campaign of influence.

Whether to take any specific national security action, or program of actions, is too big and important a question to address here. It requires fuller treatment. American history includes catalogs of actions taken because they could be—without due diligence of whether they should have been. Deterrence is the best justification for strategic information operations—influence with the goal of preventing warfare—so one might reasonably ask, “What is there to lose by trying to avoid war?” Executed in ignorance, though, deterrence efforts can make warfare more likely—as when demonstrations of advanced capabilities produce an arms race that makes accidents more likely. 

Figure 2. Steps in the CCMD’s decision-making process for prioritizing finite influence resources for greatest effect. (Figure provided by author.)

There is a logical, commonsense process for how to proceed with influence operations, and a scientific process for how to make the endeavor successful. The former is straightforward. National security organizations like the Marine Corps and its subordinate commands have missions and directives from higher echelons. Some of these organizations have guidance and orders to influence adversaries’ behavior. These are likely the first units in the chain of command to have the subject-matter experts capable of answering the questions above—whether there are potential influence targets who can affect state, party, or military behaviors and whether those actors care about Marine Corps capabilities enough to be influenced by them. These subject-matter experts are intelligence analysts; linguists and cultural experts; experts on the PLA, CCP, and PRC organizations, structures, decision making, and policymaking; red teams; psychologists; other social and behavioral scientists; strategic communication experts; influence planners; and sometimes technical subject-matter experts. 

The essential question above is whether there is a specific, individual human who both 1) has the power to change state behavior (or has influence on someone who has such power) and 2) can be influenced by a given U.S. command (given its specific capabilities and authorities). Every command, whether a Service headquarters or a CCMD, is limited by its authorities in who and how it can influence—and further limited by its influence capabilities. This latter limitation encompasses the
organization’s knowledge of the information environment, inclusive of its understanding of the specific individuals who could be influenced to some effect, together with its skill at wielding influence. Thus, there are more individuals who satisfy condition 1), who have the power to change state behavior (or influence someone who does), than there are who satisfy condition 2), who can be influenced by a given U.S. command. 

This question is too rarely asked and more rarely answered. It is more often replaced with questions like, how can we influence China? or the PLA? or Russia? or only slightly better, PRC and PLA leadership? Worst of all, it is often replaced by the question how can we leverage the exercises and other activities we are already doing to influence unidentified individuals in these groups? Imprecise questions like these undermine measurement and refinement. 

Of the skilled professionals listed above, then, two are key. Psychologists who know how to influence individuals and how to design and assess measurable influence operations, and intelligence professionals who gather and interpret the information on which psychologists rely. 

Complementing the logical process is the scientific process used to test influence operations—in scientific parlance—to detect effects and measure effect sizes—and in military parlance—conduct assessments using measures of effectiveness. In doing this, scientific methods should be (but typically are not) employed to establish whether association, correlation, and causation are present. Such methods are key to ruling out alternative explanations by controlling for the influence of other variables and the influence of chance. To uncover relationships between independent and dependent variables, experiments must be designed (i.e., operations must be planned) using proven experimental design methods that can detect such relationships.

This is done by constructing operations as experiments that can disconfirm specific hypotheses. To take an example from above, one might hypothesize that ADM Paparo’s hellscape comment had some effect on Beijing’s behavior—but such a hypothesis is too broad to be disconfirmed. What the influence effects specialist wants to know is not whether Beijing responded to Paparo, used the word “hellscape” in its own public messaging, or even changed its behavior and claimed that it was doing so in response to Paparo—but whether, in fact, Beijing made a specific, desired behavior change—the change the operation was designed to bring about—in response to Paparo’s message, and that had Paparo not communicated his message, the behavior change would not have occurred.

To answer this question, the influence professional must have and investigate more specific hypotheses. Typically, these are formed when an operation is initially designed. Disconfirmable hypotheses—hypotheses that can be disconfirmed through empirical experimentation—in this case take the form, “Influence act a will cause influence target t to take response action r.” In practice, such a hypothesis is built on other hypotheses about groups of adversary actors (e.g., PLA officers with the power to affect cyber-attacks on U.S. critical infrastructure). Specific influence acts typically include specific messages, messengers, and contexts. They are delivered to specific target audiences to achieve specific behavioral outcomes. Specificity makes measurement possible. Imprecision in target audience identification (e.g., operations to influence “PRC” or “PLA”) muddies measurement  and results in failure to demonstrate operational outcomes.

Through careful design, measurement, repeated experimentation, and data analysis, influence practitioners can—in theory—discover how to get foreign leaders to take desired paths, but those findings will usually be relative to the specific uses, leading to findings of the sort: Xi is movable on topics t1, t2, and t3, but not t4, t5, and t6. Xi is receptive to messages m1, m2, and m3 on topic t1, but not persuaded by those messages on topics t2 and t3. Message m1 is persuasive 20 percent of the time when delivered through messenger d1 and 31 percent when delivered by d2. Message m2 is only persuasive 22 percent of the time when delivered through d1, but d2 is effective 34 percent of the time with m2. Message m3 is a military action not delivered by a specific messenger, but it has proved 10 percent effective.

Neither the Marine Corps nor the DOD has such findings or the data on which to reach them—and that is not only because influencing foreign leaders is historically a State Department task. Currently, no one in the U.S. government has such data because no one has embarked on the whole-of-government research program necessary to produce it.

Whether the Marine Corps, DOD, and other government departments and agencies will develop the necessary data infrastructure and measure influence activities—rather than just doing things—remains to be seen, but neither current budgetary priorities, institutional inertia, nor the short tenure of American military and civilian leaders bode well for research-driven statecraft. On the plus side, advanced data capture and analytics for foreign influence may be tools too powerful for any government to wield responsibly.

>Dr. Bryant is a veteran Army Intelligence Officer, Psychologist, and Neuroscientist at Headquarters Marine Corps DC I where he works as an Information Operations Effects Specialist. He has written on institutional and policy challenges facing DOD’s information and influence efforts, and proposed solutions in Proceedings and the Journal of Information Warfare.

Notes

1. Frances Mao, “Biden Again Says US Would Defend Taiwan if China Attacks,” BBC, September 19, 2022, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-62951347. 

2. Jim Garamone, “Hicks Discusses Replicator Initiative,” DOD News, September 7, 2023, https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/article/3518827/hicks-discusses-replicator-initiative; Joel Wuthnow, “Why Xi Jinping Doesn’t Trust His Own Military,” Foreign Affairs, September 26, 2023, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/china/why-xi-jinping-doesnt-trust-his-own-military.

A Message From the Deputy Commandant for Information

The Marine Corps is in a constant “fight for information.” Winning this fight today and every day gives us a lethal advantage in the next battle, the next war. Information and combat power are inextricably linked. Whether it is to ensure trust in the firing solution data for the next fire mission, achieve decision advantage through all domain reconnaissance, or gain access to key maritime terrain through a partner that trusts our reputational narrative, the fight for information is real, consequential, and never ends. Winning this fight requires talented Marines with a bias for action and a willingness to execute their duties to the highest professional standard. This is exactly what I have seen since serving as the Deputy Commandant for Information.

I am extremely proud of the insight, imagination, and innovation of our Marines as they take full advantage of Force Design concepts. For example, Marines from the Gulf of Finland to the first island chain are engaging in the fight for information by conducting all domain reconnaissance. This concept of Force Design directly supports the combatant commander and realizes a key aspect of Joint All Domain Command and Control. I have personally seen these Marines in action. They are not waiting for “textbook” instruction or solutions. They are smart, empowered, and focused on solving problems and mitigating challenges through an innovative spirit. We can all learn from their unconstrained view of opportunity, their technical savvy, and deep understanding of the digital environment in which they grew up. These Marines understand how fast technology changes and how a good idea today may not be so next year. Unleashed, they can help us solve numerous information challenges ranging from battlefield command and control, to targeting, to laying out phase maintenance schedules for complex aircraft. Marines today understand the power of information and how to fuse and correlate it to generate outcomes.

The office of the Deputy Commandant for Information is focused on providing the capabilities and authorities needed to make Marines successful. The essence of our approach is readiness. Using the Commandant’s guidance, we need to be “ready for what, with what, when?” Should a theater security cooperation event unexpectedly turn into a crisis, the “kit” our Marines require must move seamlessly from one to the other. We must not rely on a “digital iron mountain” of server stack farms and equipment. Instead, we must engage with the minimum information required to accomplish the mission, while minimizing logistics requirements and signatures. In such an environment, Marines require the right information capabilities based on the conditions of placement and access. This includes capabilities and methods from edge computation and storage to a lean “apps” approach through a ubiquitous transport-enabled cloud environment.

I have had the distinct privilege to work across many different parts of our MAGTF—from aviation to C4 to intelligence to cyber. It has kept me humble trying to maintain pace with our aggressive and innovative Marines. What I have learned is they have a disdain for the status quo. They always want to move forward. Force Design provides the opportunity to be innovative and to fully support our National Defense Strategy through our warfighting ethos. Semper Fidelis!

Semper Fi,

Image

 

Matthew G. Glavy
Lieutenant General, U.S. Marine Corps
Deputy Commandant for Information

Giving “Laser Focus” New Meaning

The Marine Corps is unprepared for the newest tactic of civil unrest events

>>Capt Deavenport is an Intelligence Officer currently serving as an Olmsted Scholar in Bangkok, Thailand.

When adversaries combine commercially available products with a little ingenuity, they can create new attack pathways that are difficult to counteract. Over the last decade, anti-government protestors around the world have done exactly that during large-scale civil unrest events. In Hong Kong, protestors used traffic cones and leaf blowers to counter the effects of tear-gas canisters. In Portland, OR, protestors used umbrellas to hide their collective faces from surveillance cameras. In Beirut, Lebanon, and Nantes, France, protestors used tennis rackets and hockey sticks to hit tear-gas canisters back at police. Perhaps the most concerning new tactic, however, is protestors using hundreds of laser pointers simultaneously to blind and disrupt law enforcement officers and government security personnel.

Given its effectiveness against law enforcement in places like Egypt, Chile, Hong Kong, Iraq, and the United States, the use of laser pointers as a form of non-violent resistance has been shared widely on the world’s social media platforms. A practical assessment indicates that the tactic will likely be a feature of future civil unrest events in countries around the world. As an expeditionary force-in-readiness that often operates in environments of civil unrest, the Marine Corps should be concerned about this emerging tactic for the risk it poses to our forces. As it stands, Marines are neither equipped nor trained to operate in this emerging threat environment. The Marine Corps has an obligation to address this problem at the Service level.

Understanding the Threat
Lasers were once considered to be little more than science-fiction, popularized by multimedia franchises like Star Wars and 007. In the 1980s, the Reagan administration narrowed the delta between fiction and reality when they considered using lasers as part of a broader ballistic missile defense platform, though researchers concluded that the technology was still decades away from military use. Today, great powers around the world are studying the potential applications of laser technology in modern directed energy weapons. Across the national security and defense community, the discourse on laser technology remains a subject of intrigue for its numerous potential applications.

For people outside of the defense establishment, however, laser technology is most commonly associated with a simple office presentation tool. The laser pointer is a seemingly innocuous device that became affordable, ubiquitous, and commercially available in the 1990s. Today, consumers can purchase a new, high-powered laser pointer online for less than $30. Aside from the warning in the fine print to “avoid direct eye exposure,” these devices are sold to the general public with very few legal restrictions. Not surprisingly, the disruptive use of laser pointers is a growing issue.

In the United States, the most common incidents of laser disruptions are reported by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). In 2020 alone, the FAA reported 6,852 laser incidents targeting commercial aircraft in the United States, 20 of which resulted in unspecified injuries to pilots or aircrews.1 In 2021, the number of reported incidents swelled to 8,550 incidents, 46 of which resulted in injuries. While it is a federal crime to aim a laser at an aircraft in the United States, the FAA laser incident reports suggest that the law has done little to mitigate the practice. In many cases, individuals may not realize the damage that a $30 device can cause. The data points listed above represent cases in which laser pointers disrupted the operations of commercial airlines, but they represent only isolated incidents, absent any coordination or concentrated effects. What happens when laser pointers are used as objects of resistance on a larger scale?

Since 2013, civilian protestors around the world have embraced laser pointers as useful tools for non-violent resistance, particularly in the context of anti-government protests. In places like Egypt, Chile, Hong Kong, Iraq, and the United States, protestors used hundreds of laser pointers in a coordinated fashion to confuse police officers, scramble facial recognition cameras, and deter people from taking photos amid periods of anti-government unrest.In one viral video from 2019, a crowd of protestors in Santiago, Chile, appeared to “shoot down” a police quadcopter by concentrating their lasers against the remote aircraft. When used against people, like police officers or government security forces, laser pointers can cause both temporary and irreversible damage to the eyes. Such is the nature of truly devastating threats: they are non-threatening enough to not be taken seriously but dangerous enough to do real harm.

There is evidence to suggest that lasers could revolutionize protesting around the world because they offer several advantages for protestors in the modern era.First, laser pointers are affordable and widely available. When protesters gathered in Cairo, Egypt, in 2013 to celebrate the overthrow of President Mohammed Morsi, street vendors reportedly sold laser pointers to protestors “just for fun,” apparently not yet aware of the dangerous potential that exists when many laser pointers are used together.4 In Hong Kong, laser pointers were distributed en masse for protection against police amidst widespread anti-government protests. Second, laser pointers can disrupt (or seriously harm) law enforcement personnel with the blinding effects of concentrated light. However, protestors see lasers as a novel tool for non-violent resistance because they present a relatively low risk to physical objects, at least compared to rocks, broken glass, or firearms. Third, in the age of artificial intelligence and facial recognition cameras, lasers can also protect the identities of the protestors in the crowd. When a single laser hits a camera lens, it drastically shifts the exposure and effectively washes out the image, making identification of protestors in a crowd almost impossible. Ultimately, the mass use of laser pointers offers an accessible and effective tool for protestors around the world to resist government crackdowns in a way that is generally perceived as non-violent while also offering some protection against surveillance cameras and facial recognition technology.

The available data on the disruptive use of laser pointers highlights some useful patterns to better characterize the threat. First, among the various laser pointers that are commercially available, the 532-nanometer green laser is the most widely used device in recent protests around the world. The green laser, compared to colors like red, purple, or blue, is the most visible to the human eye and is therefore the most preferred type. Indeed, the FAA data cited earlier indicates that more than 88 percent of the reported laser incidents involved green lasers. Additionally, we know that the power output for commercially available lasers can range from a meager 5 milli-watts (mW) all the way up to 1,000 mW.5 Consider this excerpt from the American Academy of Opthalmology:

If a laser with less than five milliwatts of output power is directed at someone’s eye, that person can blink or turn away without suffering an eye injury. However, the natural protective mechanisms of the eye—such as the blink reflex—are ineffective against lasers with output power greater than five milliwatts, and severe retinal damage may occur, even after momentary exposure.6

Green laser pointers are inexpensive, prolific, and can be sold at power outputs that are empirically dangerous to the human eye.

Second, the advent of digital mobilization suggests that protestors in future civil unrest events will integrate the tactics and technologies from other protestors around the world. A 2020 article in the New York Times entitled, “Why Protest Tactics Spread Like Memes,” offers several examples to reinforce this point.In Hong Kong during 2019, video showed protestors racing to place orange traffic cones over tear gas canisters to keep the smoke from spreading; in Minneapolis, MN, nine months later, protestors did the same thing. In Hong Kong during 2019, protestors used leafblowers to disperse tear gas; in Portland, OR, a year later, protestors did the same thing. There are several more examples, but they all lead to the same conclusion. The widespread use of social media, coupled with digital mobilization, means that successful civil unrest tactics will spread and increase in scale.

Taken together, we know three fundamental things about this emerging threat: protestors are most likely to use 520-nm green lasers, the power output of a single laser can range anywhere from 5-1,000 mW, and protestors are likely to use this technology in civil unrest zones around the world because of digital mobilization. This data alone is sufficient to mount a response to this threat. A single laser can cause blurry vision or permanent blindness, but the mobilization of hundreds, or even thousands, of lasers could effectively neutralize a ground force, particularly one without the appropriate personal protective equipment and training. Surely then, the Marine Corps is well-prepared to meet this threat—right?

Herein lies the problem: the Marine Corps’ standard-issue, authorized eyewear offers no laser eye protection. None. The current standard-issue glasses feature 2.4-millimeter polycarbonate lenses for ballistic protection, 100 percent ultraviolet protection, and fog-prevention treatment for those steamy Camp Lejeune field exercises. However, they offer zero protection against laser devices in any wavelength. In fact, the Marine Corps’ governing document on laser safety programs, Marine Corps Order 5104.1C, fails to even mention laser protective equipment or training for forward-deployed forces.8 The current eyewear arguably met the minimum eye protection requirements of battlefields a decade ago, but the threat landscape has meaningfully changed.

Bear in mind that the Marine Corps, compared to its adjacent services, is perhaps the most likely to operate during civil unrest events on foreign soil. Consider, for example, the missions assigned to the MEU. Among other things, the MEU is assigned the mission essential tasks of performing non-combatant evacuation operations, airfield seizure operations, humanitarian assistance, and stability operations. All these missions virtually ensure close contact with host-nation civilians amid varying degrees of civil unrest. The evacuation of Kabul in August of 2021 is just one example. It is a matter of when, not if, Marines will operate against protestors armed with laser pointers.

The other services acknowledged this threat years ago. In 2018, the Air Force signed a nearly $200 million contract to provide laser eye protection for their pilots and air crews. The Army issued a pre-solicitation for next-generation eye protection and the Coast Guard subsequently initiated a joint research project for low-cost laser eye-protection glasses.

Recommendations
To mitigate this threat, the Marine Corps must first purchase enhanced eye protection for threat laser devices in both combat and training situations. This eyewear should provide sufficient protection to prevent permanent eye damage and temporary effects (glare, flash blindness, etc.) from laser devices while minimizing visual acuity degradation. It is worth mentioning that the Marine Corps’ current eyewear supplier already produces a laser protective lens that blocks 99 percent of 532-nanometer green lasers. This piece of gear, or a similar model, should be fielded to Marine forces across the air-ground task force at the soonest opportunity.

Second, the Marine Corps must develop and integrate training modules to prepare Marines for the new tactics used by modern protestors. The San Francisco Police Department recently surveyed their patrol officers and asked how they would respond to the hypothetical use of laser pointers during protests.Some officers said they considered laser pointers to be non-threatening distractions, while others said they viewed lasers as dangerous weapons and would respond with force. Without any standardization in terms of training and equipment, it is not at all surprising that the responses among San Francisco police officers were inconsistent.

If the same question were posed to our Marines, I expect that we would get the same results: inconsistency and subjectivity. If Marines were sent to reinforce an embassy in a given hotspot today and protestors gathered at the gates with 532-nanometer green laser pointers, would Marines simply dismiss it (not likely), react with non-lethal force, or react with lethal force? No Marine on the ground or in the air should have to make this decision absent any training or guidance, much less without the proper protective equipment. Wherever possible, the Marine Corps has an obligation to reduce uncertainty, subjectivity, and inconsistency through realistic and threat-informed training.

From my perspective, the Marine Corps’ Expeditionary Operations Training Group structure is the best vector to provide this training for pre-deployment forces. The Expeditionary Operations Training Group already provides tailored, pre-deployment training packages to prepare units for the requirements of the respective geographic combatant commands. Once Marines are equipped appropriately, it would take only minor revisions to the Expeditionary Operations Training Group training framework to provide a basic introduction to modern laser pointer tactics, protective equipment, and mitigation techniques.

In the context of the world’s dynamic and ambitious threats, it is easy to dismiss the laser pointer as little more than an office presentation tool, but its emerging applications will almost certainly challenge future Marines. Now is a fitting time for the organization to make a clear-eyed assessment of its standard issue protective eyewear and associated training to meet the shifting threat landscape.


Notes

1. Federal Aviation Administration, “Laser Incidents,” Federal Aviation Administration, November 23, 2021, https://www.faa.gov/about/initiatives/lasers/laws.

2. Alan Taylor, “The Lasers of Discontent,” The Atlantic, November 23, 2019, https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2019/11/photos-lasers-discontent/602263.

3. Jeremiah Kim, “Lasers: The Future of Protests,” Harvard Political Review, March 19, 2020, https://harvardpolitics.com/lasers.

4. “Egypt crisis: Why are Cairo Protesters Using Laser Pens?” BBC News, July 4, 2013, https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-magazine-monitor-23178484.

5. Big Lasers, “Differences in Laser Pointer Output Powers,” Big Lasers, March 11, 2013, https://biglasers.com/blog/2013/03/11/differences-in-laser-pointer-output-powers.

6. Ari Soglin, “Is Your Laser Pointer Dangerous Enough to Cause Eye Injury?” American Academy of Opthalmology, June 22, 2018, https://www.aao.org/eye-health/news/laser-pointer-eye-injury.

7. Tracy Ma et al., “Why Protest Tactics Spread Like Memes,” New York Times, July 31, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/31/style/viral-protest-videos.html.

8. Headquarters Marine Corps, Marine Corps Order 5104.1C, “Navy Laser Hazards Control Program,” (Washington, DC: May 2008).

9. “Lasers: The Future of Protests.”

Radio Communications at Duffer’s Island

Lessons from three dreams

>LtCol Haycock is an 8061 Acquisition Professional serving as the Program Management Team Lead for Terrestrial Collection and Human Intelligence programs at Marine Corps Systems Command in Quantico, VA.

My name is Capt Alfonzo, but everyone usually just calls me “Captain A” for short. I command Alpha Company, 1/1 Mar. It is my first month in command having recently arrived on a ship deployed in the vast ocean east of Guam. I admit I have little experience in expeditionary advanced base operations, especially command and control by radio communications, but my Marines are mature, well-led, and well-trained. I am going to tell you the story of how I learned thirteen principles of radio communications during our assault on Duffer’s Island.

It was a cool pre-dawn hour when the reconnaissance element radioed back to the embarked battalion that we will meet minimal resistance when we assault the airstrip the following night. The objective was to clear and occupy an austere airfield named Via Saltu on tiny Duffer’s Island, located twenty miles off the coast of the allied Grey Republic. The Grey Republic, as we all know, was narrowly resisting outright domination by the treacherous Democratic Federation of Reds. The end state of our company landing team’s mission was to establish a temporary fueling and rearming point for our valiant Blue Nation pilots on Duffer’s Island as part of a surge of air superiority toward the landing force’s final objective during this stage of the campaign. By the end of the following day, Company Landing Team A owned Via Saltu Airfield, and the landing force established a forward arming and refueling point (FARP). But first, we flew by means of two flights of four Ospreys each to a clearing three miles south of Via Saltu airfield. Because I had 24 hours to prepare for my first company landing team assault, I gave initial guidance to the company operations officer to continue with preparations and then slept in hopes of drawing from my subconscious an approach to radio communications that would help us be successful in the coming operation.

First Dream
As the sun crested the jutting slopes of nearby jungle hilltops, the shadow receded in favor of jagged light, illuminating the landing zone (LZ) now certainly clear for landing. Through the night, the reconnaissance element had scoured the LZ and its surroundings. There were no threats or observers of any kind, human or otherwise. No flights of aircraft of any type were observed near the island. It appeared the landing would be entirely unopposed.

However, as the first four aircraft landed at the clearing, an enemy missile struck the first Osprey. Its destruction was sudden and catastrophic. None of the sixteen passengers and crew survived. As the other missiles struck the landing zone, a second aircraft with the remainder of 1st Platoon was also hit creating a mass casualty problem for the rest of the landing force. When 2nd Platoon landed in the third and fourth Ospreys, they were faced with competing requirements to evacuate the kill zone, establish a defensive perimeter, and provide aid to the wounded. Missiles kept pounding the LZ, one after the other, killing or wounding 42 out of 64 members of the landing force’s lead element. When the eight-missile barrage ended, Lt Secundus from 2nd Platoon took stock of the situation. With downed aircraft, mass casualties, an unseen enemy, and less than a quarter of its strength, the company landing team was, for the time being, combat ineffective.

Being short two aircraft, the remainder of the company landing team was delayed by several hours in reinforcing Lt Secundus’ isolated platoon—time in which the Red force was able to position its naval forces near the island and actively deny Blue force entry into its air and sea space. Without reinforcements, 2nd Platoon would have to evade or defend against the Red force alone for an indefinite amount of time.

I was bewildered as to how the enemy could have known the exact grid location on which the Osprey was going to land. The recon element observed no enemy spotters or other intelligence collectors in the area. The grid location was only briefed to the pilot by the recon element fifteen minutes earlier when the aircraft checked in to make its approach. After talking with the surviving pilots when they returned from the day’s flying, they reported that they attempted to use encrypted comms on their primary net, but it was not working like it did the previous week. They had switched to an emergency radio frequency—one that was unencrypted for safety reasons.

Perhaps the Red force had been observing our Ospreys with electronic warfare systems and had noticed the same single frequency used for every flight. Because they could detect the strength of the signal, but not the information it carried, they likely deduced that it was our encrypted assault support intra-flight net. Listening from anywhere in the battlespace within a couple of hundred miles of the aircraft, it is easy for the enemy to hop on its own radios and transmit noise on that same frequency. Perhaps the enemy has purpose-built jammers somewhere in the region, or even a spacecraft in low orbit, that can transmit so much noise on that frequency that the Osprey’s intra-flight radio net was effectively jammed, forcing the pilots to find a different net to operate on for today’s mission.

Perhaps there was a signals intelligence aircraft somewhere in the airspace or signals intelligence collector on the ground of a nearby island that was able to listen to the secondary radio net; the unencrypted, single frequency radio transmissions between the recon element and the pilot, or between the pilots, when the grid location of the LZ was stated: “in the clear.” With a modern networked radio relay, the grid location was given from the enemy’s intelligence collectors directly to the fire control system of the Red force’s missile battery, and the command was given for launch. The five or six minutes of flight time from the missile battery’s location was short enough to catch the lead Osprey before its wheels had even contacted the clear LZ.

As I woke from this first dream, the following three fundamental rules about radio communications came to my mind:

  • Rule number 1: Any radio net that relies on a single frequency for long periods of time is susceptible to simple jamming, also known as narrowband jamming. Use radio nets that hop between multiple frequencies whenever possible. Think SINCGARS and HAVEQUICK.
  • Rule number 2: Always encrypt your voice communications. In the contested environment, only communicate in the clear those things you intend on being heard by the enemy.
  • Rule number 3: If you must resort to the use of an unencrypted radio net, establish a set of brevity codes that helps you communicate without being understood by the enemy.

Second Dream
The situation and mission of the company landing team’s insertion onto the island of Via Saltu airfield by two flights of four Ospreys each remains the same. However, I was compelled to ensure the lessons of the first dream were enacted in the planning and execution of the current dream. I called to make certain that the aircraft carrying my company into the assault had been prepared with sufficient radio communications to evade such early enemy detection and interception. The assault flight lead, Capt Alex Franklyn Larson, assured me that they now had four encrypted frequency hopping nets to communicate both internally and with the recon element guiding them to the LZ. This way, they would be resilient to simple jamming by the enemy. We also agreed to a list of brevity codes to communicate in an emergency over unencrypted nets. The execution checklist for the mission also incorporated these brevity codes. With a short rehearsal, we were able to practice saying “Chevrolet” instead of “LZ is clear for landing” or “Plymouth” instead of “landing force has reached the objective” and other such codes.

As the Ospreys approached the island, the recon element provided the ten-digit grid over an encrypted frequency hopping net and both were confident the enemy Red force had not jammed or intercepted these coordinates. When the first flight of Osprey’s arrived in the LZ, the Marines of 1st and 2nd Platoons landed safely and unopposed according to their planned and rehearsed actions on the objective. While awaiting the second flight of Ospreys that would carry 3d Platoon and other enablers, like engineers, aviation ground support, and stinger missile gunners, Lt Primus of 1st Platoon established a company command post at the top of the nearest hill to get the best radio communications with the company landing team platoons, the battalion, and the MAGTF. They used standard foot-mobile radios such as the PRC-117G VHF and UHF radio and PRC-150 HF radio. They were also practiced in digital communications such as KILSWITCH and tactical chat over wideband radio capabilities like adaptive networking wideband waveform (ANW2). Almost every radio antenna was vertical to make sure that the radio propagation patterns could provide radio coverage to the whole area in 360 degrees (known simply as omnidirectional) and powered to the highest setting so they could reach as far away as possible. They also had access to standard UHF SATCOM to come up on the battalion command net. Finally, they also had commercial satellite telephones and friendly force trackers such as the Shout Nano.

Over the next two hours, Lt Primus did well to establish security, radio back to the company and battalion of the situation, and make other decisions vital to the continuation of the mission. Just as the second flight of Ospreys landed bringing myself and 3d Platoon to the LZ, there was a horrific explosion in the direction of the company command post. After talking continuously by radio to the local area and to higher over the last two hours, Lt Primus and his radio operator were fatally wounded by a missile strike. Recognizing the need to relocate the command post to another location, I took charge of the company and established a new company command post 800 meters away, where the radios could be placed at the top of a different piece of high terrain, according to the unit SOP. After all, we fight like we train.

After setting up communications at the new company command post in the new location and starting a routine of scouting patrols (each with routine radio checks and detailed situation reports), two large airplanes were spotted in the sky, both in the direction of the Grey Republic where we most expected to see the enemy. After calling over the radio to tell the scouting patrols what we saw and to lay low, a horrendous explosion obliterated the command post with fire and debris until there was nothing left but a smoking hole in the hilltop. The radio operators and the mortar section were instant casualties, and I was badly wounded. As Lt Secundus of 2nd Platoon responded and attempted to organize the company, the enemy jets came. Four hours after we landed, we were being gunned down by the enemy fighter jets making pass after pass on our position until they apparently ran out of ammunition. After sustaining 30 percent casualties and 12 hours of doing our best to prepare a deliberate defense of our position, a message came over our radio that informed us that the Red naval force had reoriented itself on Duffer’s Island and that lack of air and surface superiority would force us into isolation for the foreseeable future. We should prepare for an enemy ground assault based on our last position and that an Army airborne battalion might be able to drop in a few days. Until then, we were to maintain radio silence for our own safety.

As it turned out, our omnidirectional antennas were emitting radio signals in all directions, even toward the enemy. Because we wanted to ensure that each radio could talk with certainty, we made sure that radios were set to their highest power setting, regardless of the distance between them. Perhaps the first missile strike came as the result of enemy signals intelligence aircraft triangulating our position based on the large volume of encrypted radio communications coming from it. All it takes is two or three enemy direction-finding radios to pinpoint a friendly radio—or perhaps even just one aircraft flying around the island taking many measurements of the radio signals that reach it over a period of time. Those aircraft we spotted were probably some of the same ones triangulating our position after the first half of the company landed, and they probably also determined the actual coordinates of our radio emitters. Given the large number of encrypted radio signals across many parts of the spectrum coming from our location, the enemy probably deduced that we were a company command post of relatively high value, at least valuable enough to expend two medium-range GPS-guided missiles and to maneuver the naval force in pursuit.

As I woke from this second dream, the following three fundamental rules about radio communications came to my mind:

  • Rule number 4: Use terrain masking to prevent radio emitters from radiating toward the enemy force. If an omnidirectional antenna must be used, do not place it atop prominent terrain features where it will radiate toward the enemy.
  • Rule number 5: When able, use directionalization techniques to reduce the amount of radio signal that can go where the signal is not needed. A vertical radio antenna has a cone of silence directly above it (and below it). To avoid detection by the enemy, the enemy must be directly above the antenna. However, a horizontal radio antenna’s cone of silence is to its left and right, effectively giving it a single azimuth of radiation towards its destination and incidentally from the transmitter backward away from the intended destination. This means that an enemy signal collector could be on the left or right side and not be able to detect the presence of a radio signal. Note: Use directionalization wisely because it requires all radio operators to know their positions, azimuths to their intended targets, and often extra time to set up and tear down elaborate antennas.
  • Rule number 6: Use the minimum power setting that will allow you to talk between the two locations that matter to you. Do not let stray radio signals be strong enough to be observed by the enemy unless necessary.

Third Dream
The situation and mission of the company landing team’s insertion onto the island of Via Saltu airfield by two flights of four Ospreys each remains the same. However, I was compelled to ensure the lessons of the second dream were enacted in the planning and execution of the current dream. During this dream, after landing safely in the LZ on Duffer’s Island, Lt Primus established the tentative company command post on a piece of terrain that masked his radio transmissions from the direction of the enemy, essentially a stone wall in the hillside that blocked the directions of northeast, north, and northwest. I was briefed that Blue forces had general air superiority to the south. This hill was still elevated enough to provide radio coverage to the company and back to the battalion and the MAGTF. Consequently, the stone wall in the hillside had reflective qualities, so more radio power than usual was available to the company to the south coverage area. That means that the radio operators were all able to lower the power settings of their radios and still maintain communications.

For those forward patrols to the north that could not be reached by the command post radios oriented to the south, they were provided with a directionalized radio, either a horizontal HF skywave antenna where the direction of the radio signal is obscured by the atmospheric scattering, or with a horizontal VHF or UHF antenna aimed directionally toward intended recipients. In the latter case, enemy signals collectors had to stumble onto a particular azimuth in their flight pattern to observe any of our stray signals, and their access to observe our signals would end rapidly unless they were flying directly toward us. This also meant that before departing for their patrols, squads would have to prepare a full five-paragraph order, plan a scheme of maneuver, build terrain models, and brief their plans, both internally and externally. The company radio operators had to know where the patrols would be and when so that coverage areas could be moved over time according to the changing azimuth from the command post to the patrol.

Next, each radio operator was tasked to reduce power settings as often as able while still communicating. In summary, we were very disciplined about limiting our radios to only radiate in directions and at minimum power levels necessary for us to talk.

As the company landing team’s patrols scouted ahead toward the Via Saltu airfield, communications were outstanding. Patrols were able to provide situation reports every 30 minutes after pausing to set up their directional antennas.

After twelve hours on the island, the scouting patrols had viewed the airfield, identified key terrain (as marked with ten-digit GPS grids), and brought back enough information to prepare for the company assault. However, problems started occurring as the mortar section chief inquired about potential targets in and around the airfield.

When asking for information from the reconnaissance and scouting patrols that had eyes on the objective, the scouting patrols were unable to report on grid coordinates of nearby terrain features. Their GPS receivers stopped working. When reporting this back to the company, it became apparent that our standard means of radio communications also stopped working. VHF frequency hopping nets were suddenly garbled and unreadable, all of them. It was a very strange phenomenon indeed—one never experienced by our radio operators in training. When resorting to various frequencies, configuration settings, and even radio types, it seemed that they would work for about fifteen minutes and then fall apart. With as much resilience as we had planned for in our radio communications, we seemed to be getting jammed across all of our communications systems. The only system that worked was UHF narrowband SATCOM radio. Through it, we received a report that the Red naval force has obtained air and surface superiority in our vicinity. At the same time we received this information, the shelling began.

The shelling was not accurate; beginning at first a few hundred meters south of the LZ on which we landed, but it was walking closer and closer to the company command post. We could only assume that they planned to barrage the whole island in preparation for a sweep and clear operation to find us. We couldn’t communicate. We were strung out over three miles of various terrain. We were isolated and unsupported. The best we could do was send runners to the last known grids of the patrols and consolidate our company to a defensible position. While the terrain provided fair cover and concealment, the loss of local air and surface superiority meant that we were going to be in a truly dire situation. Food, water, and ammunition would deplete unless resupply and reinforcements could be arranged and delivered through enemy lines. Our casualties would not be quickly evacuated if at all. Our defensive indirect fire was limited to our company mortars and grenades. Engineers were not equipped to build the defenses necessary to stop the looming enemy assault. It was a truly dire situation indeed.

After a week-long defense of the company command post, our dug-in fighting positions were void of all vegetation, thanks to incessant accurate shelling. The company, while valiant, was reduced to 25 percent effectiveness due to casualties by enemy fire and a lack of food and water. We suspected that the enemy had no reason to assault our position and risk their own personnel rooting us out. They had us surrounded and isolated.

All they had to do was wait for us to surrender or perish due to lack of water. They had won.

In those dreadful hours awaiting death or capture, I pondered how the enemy knew that we were doing something of such strategic importance that they were willing to maneuver their naval forces to a position to gain air and surface superiority. Perhaps stray signals that made their way off the island established a suspicious pattern to signals intelligence collectors. It stands to reason that a major industrialized nation like the Democratic Federation of Reds could produce a broad-spectrum jamming capability—essentially blasting radio noise on all our VHF frequencies at the same time. Then whenever we would stray from our standard frequencies and try something new, they would listen for it, locate it, and adjust their jamming to also stamp it out too. They seem to have combined air superiority—and perhaps space superiority—and electronic warfare to make possible complete information superiority. They are able to have unfettered access to information while effectively denying our own use of information. Looks like it is back to the Stone Age for us.

As I woke from this third dream, the following six fundamental rules about radio communications came to my mind:

  • Rule number 7: Do not transmit radio signals unless absolutely necessary. To radiate is to be detected, to be detected is to be targeted, and to be targeted is to be destroyed. Though we have taken measures to reduce how much of our radio signal can be observed by the enemy, we cannot control various scattering and reflections from eventually reaching enemy sensors. Unnecessary situation reports and excessive radio checks serve to provide small pieces of evidence to the enemy. The less we transmit over radios, the fewer pieces of evidence the enemy has to collect, and the longer we can delay the inevitable localization of our radios.
  • Rule number 8: While there should be no limit to transmitting radio signals in support of fires and CASEVAC, other routine radio communication should be limited to pre-arranged periods of time, also known as comm windows. When given a small, prearranged window of time to transmit on radios, small units are forced to save their information to be passed in very short bursts, perhaps two or three minutes. Should the enemy find a friendly radio frequency to observe, they will not have enough time to triangulate its position. They also will not be able to deduce the size or capability. The next time the small unit uses that frequency, they are hours and perhaps miles away. Prolonging the time it takes for the enemy’s inevitable identification of your radio traffic and subsequent deduction of your strength or intentions allows you more time to complete your mission free from harassment or interdiction.
  • Rule number 9: GPS can and will be jammed. Use encrypted GPS for positioning (and timing) information that is more resilient to enemy jamming. Also, it goes without saying, always be proficient in navigating without GPS.
  • Rule number 10: Be mindful of your radio signature and frequently change it as the situation permits. Where a mechanized infantry battalion looks much different to imagery intelligence collectors from a heavy-lift helicopter squadron, so too will they look different to signals intelligence collectors. Where one uses predominately VHF communications and the other uses predominately UHF communications, both create a radio signature useful in deducing what types of units are operating where. Do not be afraid to reverse their signatures temporarily to confuse the enemy. Note: There will be technical limitations and operational impacts in doing so. Each limitation or impact must be evaluated carefully.
  • Rule number 11: Be deceptive in your use of radio communications. When you are large and want to appear small or non-existent, exercise as much radio silence as your situation permits. However, if you want to appear large and are small, you can make a concerted effort with your forces and radio assets available to spread out across the area of operations and create an exorbitant amount of false radio traffic. Use tall antennas on high power settings to make sure the enemy can detect the presence of every radio transmission.
  • Rule number 12: Be unpredictable in how you use radio communications. Given enough time and resources, anything you transmit can be detected, jammed, and targeted by the enemy. You must exercise full use of the wide range of communications capabilities in an unpredictable way to outpace the enemy’s electronic warfare efforts. On one day, use VHF and UHF if speed is required and the terrain permits. On the next day, trade VHF assets for HF assets as the situation permits. On the next day after that, resort to satellite phones and brevity codes, or runners, or flags, or pen lasers, or field phones and cable, each as the situation may permit.
  • Rule number 13: Above all else, be brilliant at the basics. All small unit leaders must prepare their five-paragraph orders with an understanding of the commander’s intent two levels up. Use terrain models. Communicate the plan and get brief backs. Conduct pre-combat checks and pre-combat inspections. Have a robust and well-thought-out no-comm plan. Know the schemes of maneuver of all your adjacent units. Have a well-informed runner that can find other small units on the battlefield. Finally, train your people to act well in absence of clear direction and in accordance with the commander’s intent. Then trust them without micromanagement. With all these basic elements in order, most radio communications need not be used until the decisive point in battle.

As I returned to my fully conscious state and these thirteen rules of radio communications manifested solidly in my mind, I returned to the company planning spaces and endeavored to ensure that all of these rules could be applied to the coming operation.

Small-unit leaders were instructed to limit radio traffic to those absolutely necessary for fire support coordination, casualty evacuation, or to make a change to the scheme of maneuver as briefed. Small-unit leaders on patrol were further instructed to reserve all of their routine radio traffic for a single five-minute comm window every three hours, and such comm windows would be made using random assignments so that it would be difficult for a three-hour pattern to emerge for the enemy to recognize. Additionally, no comm windows were allowed to be made from locations within 800 meters of any previous one. The company command post would similarly displace as often as the situation permitted. Details of such displacements would be communicated and updated azimuths to new locations would be made for directional radios.

Next, GPS devices were provided encryption keys so they could access more resilient GPS services reserved for Blue nation military units. This did not prevent platoon commanders from ensuring that all squads had sufficient maps and compasses to navigate absent of GPS.

Then, we came up with our radio signature management plan. We decided that we would use two VHF frequency-hopping nets for our primary and alternate comms as the first flight of Ospreys arrives at the LZ. Frequency-hopping UHF nets would be reserved as contingency and emergency comms. The second flight’s spectrum signature would be reversed. When the first half of the company established a command post and started patrols, for the next eight hours, primary communication would be made by runner. No two positions were more than four miles away, and only fires, CASEVAC, and changes to the scheme of maneuver as briefed would be the only information exchange requirements so urgent that a runner would not suffice.

For the subsequent eight hours, those sparing radio communications necessary would be made by HF skywave on the pause. During the following eight hours as everyone moved into position for the upcoming airfield assault, VHF frequency hopping would be the means of radio communication. For now, ANW2 would be turned off because every radio on an ANW2 network emits a constant ping like a homing beacon searching for connections to make automatically. While this does hurt digital fires and KILSWITCH data exchange, it does prevent the enemy from locating every squad equipped with an ANW2 radio. Finally, during the assault, all units will talk primarily by UHF frequency hopping. This will be convenient because as soon as the airfield is under friendly control, the first C-130 carrying the FARP aviation ground support equipment will arrive and offload, and we will be able to report the runway clear for landing.

After communicating these procedures to the team, my only regret is that we had not practiced in training a wide range of methods of radio communications so that we would be able to adapt to changes in the comm plan as quickly as we will have to during this operation. Instead, it will have to learn and do while under the stress of a no-fail mission.

In the final eight hours before crossing the line of departure, smart packs were republished with the new, more complex communications plan, but the radio operators and squad leaders all had a good handle on the dynamic changes they would make in the coming hours. We would figure out ways to make dynamic comm plan changes simple and easy to cope with after we get back. For now, it is game time.

As the company landing team infiltrated Duffer’s Island and for the first four hours, we were able to avoid using any radio communication at all. We requested the grid of the LZ to be provided before wheels-up so that transmission was avoided. The recon element reported the LZ clear for landing with a chem-light buzz-saw so that transmission was avoided. To indicate to the battalion that we had all arrived safely, I gave a pre-arranged thumbs-up to the pilot to relay when they get back. As for actions on the objective, the squads and platoons did according to their plan and their rehearsals. With encrypted GPS to guide them, navigating to their pre-arranged patrol bases was very simple, though some needed adjustment as the micro-terrain did not provide the preferred defensibility and concealment. Adjustments were all reported by runners in buddy pairs. The platoons and company were well enough informed on the changing situation.

Platoons eventually shifted from security patrols to scouting patrols to ensure there were no surprises awaiting us in our company assault on the Via Saltu airfield. The scouting patrols brought back plenty of grid coordinates of relevant targets for the mortars; a single guard post, a largely unoccupied barracks, a motor pool with a few dilapidated trucks, avenues of approach, visible micro-terrain from which to adjust fires, etc. The mortar section had no information requests when it came time to coordinate the assault.

During these eight hours, HF skywave antennas were used to communicate, but units would only be talking during their comm windows. The brevity code for “nothing significant to report” was simply “[platoon number] then Zulu.” However, there were important reports to make, and platoon commanders were as concise as possible, being certain to un-key the handset every four seconds or less.

As we proceeded into the final eight hours before the assault, everyone stowed their HF radios in favor of VHF radios to get back to frequency hopping as the operation got closer to the decisive phase. Radio discipline, brevity codes, and communications windows were still used if communication was necessary as the company massed in the vicinity of the objective rally point and support by fire positions.

In the final 30 minutes before launching smoke and illumination, we switched to the UHF frequency-hopping radios to add spectrum to the list of our many elements of surprise.

Units maneuvered. Fires supported maneuver. Units communicated implicitly, verbally, and over the radio when necessary. Marines exercised initiative in accordance with the commander’s intent. While we confronted token resistance, the airfield was captured because of our overwhelming relative combat power.

While the airfield occupants probably telephoned or radioed to report the situation, the C-130 carrying the aviation ground-support equipment was in-bound according to schedule. Fuel, bombs, and other enablers landed and made this airfield a forward arming and refueling point. When it came into operation an hour later, the F-35s surged into this airspace further than they had at any point in the campaign up to this point, made possible because we provided them a safe place to land, rearm, and refuel, and get back to safety at the end of the day.

With air superiority promised, surface superiority followed soon after.

Two days later, the FARP was still intact, and the mission was a complete success. However, we knew the enemy was looking for an opening to launch some GPS-guided missiles at our aircraft, fuel, or ordinance during FARP operations. As it turned out, our fleet’s cooperative engagement capability was very busy defending our FARP from missile attacks. It was only a matter of time before the enemy succeeded. The retrograde order came, and we packed up. As the MAGTF afloat passed nearby the island, we retrograded knowing that our infiltration worked this time on this island, and we were able to successfully surge striking power at the enemy. Next time, we will need a different approach as the MAGTF surges air and surface superiority toward some different aspects of the enemy’s war-making capability. They will be waiting.